of none. In reply to a previous question, he had stated that it was a common error to confound martial law with military law, the latter being the written code to be found in the Mutiny Act and the articles of war, by which the land forces are regulated; whereas martial law is unwritten, and is merely the exercise of authority by the controlling military force during the interval when, in the judgment of the executive, it becomes necessary to suspend the ordinary functions of the civil power. Military law applies to the army alone; martial law embraces all persons, civil as well as military; it has no precedents nor fixed practice, but adapts itself to the necessities of the moment as to form, whilst aiming to administer substantial justice. In a newly conquered country martial law is the discretion of the occupying force previous to the establishment of a civil jurisdiction; in a disorganised country it is the substitute for a civil jurisdiction for the moment during which the functions of the latter are paralysed: and being the only protection for life or property, it is an object of resort in civil as well as in military

matters.

Perhaps the most graphic definition of martial law was that given by the Duke of Wellington in the House of Lords in 1851, on the occasion of the defence of his government of Ceylon, made by Viscount Torrington, viz. that "martial law means no law at all, but the will of the general" till the ordinary law can be either established or restored. W. W. E. T.

Belgrave Square.

RICHARD III.

(Vol. vi., p. 486.)

This monarch is said to have had three natural children, of whom Richard Plantagenet -the subject of MR. CHADWICK's inquiry was assuredly the eldest, as he was fifteen or sixteen years of age at the time of the king's death, which happened when he was only thirty-two.

The story of Richard Plantagenet is told in Peck's Desiderata Curiosa; and although the Rev. Robert Masters, in his "Remarks on Walpole's Historic Doubts," printed in the Archeologia, vol. ii. p. 198., discredits the relation, it is substantially corroborated by the Rev. Samuel Pegge, one of the ablest antiquaries that England had ever to boast of; and in Drake's Eboracum, p. 117., it is stated that Richard knighted this son, when a youth, at York.

The story is briefly this: When Sir Thomas Moyle was building his house at Eastwell in Kent, he observed his principal bricklayer, whenever he left off work, to retire with a book. This circumstance raised the curiosity of Sir Thomas to know what book the man was reading, and he at length found that it was Latin. Upon entering into

further conversation with his workman, Sir Thomas learnt from him that he had been tolerably educated by a schoolmaster with whom he boarded in his youth; and that he did not know who his parents were till he was fifteen or sixteen years old, when he was taken to Bosworth field, and introduced to King Richard; that the king embraced him, and told him he was his son, and moreover promised to acknowledge him in case of the fortunate event of the battle; that after the battle was lost he hastened to London, and, that he might have means to live by his honest labour, put himself apprentice to a bricklayer.

Upon hearing this story, Sir Thomas is said to have allowed him to build a small house for himself upon his estate, and there he continued till his death, which, according to the register of the parish of Eastwell, took place in the year 1550, when he must have been eighty or eighty-one years of age.

Here it may be observed, that this story of the interview on Bosworth field but ill accords with Drake's assertion that the king knighted his son at York. More particulars relating to Richard Plantagenet may be seen in the Gentleman's Magazine, vol. xxxvii. pp. 344. 408., and vol. lxiii. p. 1106.

Another natural son of Richard III. was John of Gloucester, as is shown by a charter printed in Rymer's Fadera, vol. xii. p. 215., and quoted by Rapin, who says Richard had only one natural son: "John of Gloucester was yet a minor, when the king his father died. Some months before he had made him governor of Calais, Guisnes, and of all the marches of Picardy, belonging to the crown." This son is also mentioned in The History of the Civil Wars between York and Lancaster,-a scarce work, of which I beg to be allowed to say a few words below.

Besides these two sons, Richard had a natural daughter, Katherine Plantagenet, who is mentioned in Sandford's Genealogical History (p. 335., edit. 1707). And in Banks' Dormant and Extinct Baronage, vol. ii. p. 273., under the title of Herbert, Earl of Huntingdon, it is stated that on the 15th Nov., 1 Ric. III., the earl entered into covenant with the king to take his daughter Katherine Plantagenet to wife before Michaelmas next ensuing, &c., “but, the lady dying in early years, the marriage did not take effect."

The History of the Civil Wars between York and Lancaster: comprehending the Lives of Edward IV. and his Brother Richard III. Illustrated with Notes and Copperplates. This work was printed for the author, by W. Whittingham, of Lynn in Norfolk; and sold by R. Baldwin, London, 1792, 8vo. The former part of the work was written, as the title-page informs us, by Edward Spelman, Esq.; and the latter, with the notes, by the Rev. George William Lemon, rector of Geyton Thorpe, and vicar of East Walton in Norfolk. The work

is said to be of great rarity, not more than five or six copies having been circulated. To account for this, the printer's son informed me, that his father dying soon after the sheets were printed, the executors sold the whole impression for waste paper; and further, that after the copperplates had been engraved they were found to be such wretched performances that it was not thought advisable to bind them up with the few copies of the work that were issued. This story, however, does not seem very probable; for, as the work was printed for the author, who lived five years after it was completed, he would doubtless have looked a little more closely after his own property, and not have permitted it to be sold as useless rubbish by the printer's executors.

About one-third of the work was written by Edward Spelman, the great-great-grandson of Sir Henry, who relinquished the task, and gave his manuscripts to Lemon, upon engaging in the translation of The Roman Antiquities of Dionysius Halicarnassensis. This is the best written part of the history; but Lemon had the advantage of the assistance of his brother, who was chief clerk of the Record Office in the Tower, and who appears to have supplied him with copies of some original documents. Altogether the work is of some, though not very great value; and if of the rarity I have been led to suppose, will not be devoid of interest to many of the readers of the "N. & Q." GEORGE MUNFORD.

East Winch.

SHAKSPEARE EMENDATIONS.

(Vol. vi., pp. 468. 495.)

I am of course much flattered by MR. COLLIER'S approbation and confirmation of my correction of the word capable in As You Like It; which was, I may say, so palpable that it is only surprising it had not long since been generally adopted; especially as it had been before the world for at least a quarter of a century, in the edition I gave of the part in 1825. This was the reason why I only glanced at it, as occurring in the same page with the other error of all for rail.

I must further gratify MR. COLLIER with another proposed emendation in the same play, Act II. Sc. 7., which I feel confident will have his plaudite. In the well-known speech of Jaques, the folios read thus:

It is quite obvious that the printer is here again in fault, and that we should read:

Why who cries out on pride,

That can therein tax any private party?
Doth it not flow as hugely as the sea,

Till that the wearer's very means do ebb?"

The compositor's eye glanced on the termination of verie in the MS., and put wearie instead of wearer's. The whole context shows this to be the poet's word, relating as it does to the extravagant cost of finery, bestowed by the pride of the wearers on unworthy shoulders, "until their very means do ebb."

satire, by the cynical Jaques, will never again be We may hope, therefore, that this spirited bit of by the platitude of Pope's substituted very. I will vitiated by the absurd weary of the old copies, or that we should read, a few lines lower, "Where add, that I fully concur with Malone in thinking then," instead of "There then.”

Another instance of the carelessness of the

printer of the first folio is afforded by the singular in the copy belonging to our mutual friend MR. variation pointed out by SIR FREDERICK MADDEN HENRY FOSS. Supposing the poet to have written, "O, thou dissembling cub! what wilt thou be

When time hath sow'd a grizzle on thy face?" and that the word by accident got jumbled into cafe, it is quite evident that no reference to the copy from which he was printing could have been made when it was corrected to case, as it stands, I believe, in all other copies known of the first folio:

"When time hath sow'd a grizzle on thy case?" The confusion of the long f and f has indeed led to other corruptions of the text; but I must confess that I have my doubts whether case was not, in this instance, the poet's word. These doubts I mentioned to MR. Foss some time since. It seems to me, from the words "dissembling cub" and "thy craft," that the allusion is to the crafty wiles of the fox, which are proverbially known to be increased by age, when his fur becomes grey, or 66 when time hath sow'd a grizzle on his case.'

That the poet would have used the word case, if the allusion is as I suppose, may be gathered from his use of it in All's Well that Ends Well, where Parolles is unmasked, and one of the Lords says, "We will make you some sport with the fox ere we case him."

For these reasons I should hesitate to adopt the word face upon such slender grounds as we at present possess for discarding the received reading; for the second folio has case as well as the first. S. W. SINGER

Mickleham.

WELLESLEY PEDIGREE.

(Vol. vi., p. 508.)

It would be interesting, I should think, to many of your readers, if MR. HEPPLE, or some other of your correspondents, would furnish a somewhat fuller pedigree of Wellesley than that in p. 508. What authority is there for the match of Aleson, daughter of a Sir William Wesley, of the date of 1500, with John Cusack? Sir William's greatgrand-daughter, Catherine, was wife of Sir Henry Colley about the year 1550.

The best pedigree that I know of Wesley is in Lynch's Feudal Dignities of Ireland, article "Standard-Bearer," edit. 1830, p. 95., &c. According to him the pedigree runs thus, the parts in brackets being excepted :

Sir William Wellesley, of age=
46 Edward III. Custos of
Kildare, tem. Henry IV.

I suppose Aleson, the wife of John Cusack, was the daughter of the first Sir William Wellesley? The pedigree of Wesley, under Earl of Mornington, in Lodge's Peerage of Ireland by Archdall, edit. 1789, vol. iii. p. 67., and that in Sir E. Brydges' Peerage, of Collins, under Viscount Wellesley, is quite at variance with that in Lynch; but I presume the latter to be correct.

Can any one refer me to a pedigree of Wesley, giving the names of the wives, which are almost always omitted by Lynch? By that book it appears Walleran de Wellesley was in Ireland, 1230. Cannot he be connected with Walrand de Wellesleigh, who formerly held half a knight's fee at Wellesleigh, co. Somerset, which was held by

John Stourton, 7 Henry VI., or with William de Wellesleigh, who held and there 37 Henry III. The following is the passage from Collinson's Somersetshire relating to them:

"The hamlet of Wells Leigh gave name to a family of distinction. 37 Henry III., William de Welleslegh held of the Bp. of Bath tiree parts of a hide of land in Welleslegh, by the service of the Serjeantry of the Hundred of Wells, and lands in Littleton, of Wm. de Button (Esch.). 22 Edward III., Philip de Welleslegh held lands in the same vill, and in Dulcot, as also the Serjeantry of the Bailiwick of East Perret (Esch.). 13 Henry VI., John Hill of Spaxton held these lands and the same serjeantry, as also the office of the Bailiff of Wells Forum, of John Bp. of Bath and Wells, in socage, leaving the same to John Hill, his son and heir (Esch.). 7 Henry VI., John Stourton held half a knight's fee in Wellesleigh and Est-Wall, which Walrand de Wellesleigh formerly held (Lib. Feod.). The manor of Wellesleigh was given to the vicars choral by Ralph de Salopia (see page 383., circ. A.D. 1330)."-Collinson's Somersetshire, vol. iii. p. 405. G. R. ADAMS.

Oxford and Cambridge Club.

THE VATICAN PRESS.

(Vol. vi., p. 478.)

I must strongly protest against J. R.'s endeavour to revive the Gretserian method of accounting for the notorious variations between the Sixtine and Clementine editions of the Latin Vulgate (Vid. Grets. Append. sec. ad lib. ii. Card. Bellarm., col. 1058., Ingolst. 1607). It is a very serious misrepresentation of the matter to speak of it as one connected merely with typographical exactness and blemishes, the work of printers' "hands, and not of minds;" for Pope Sixtus V. not only read, word after word ("ad verbum perlegit," Roccha states), the entire of the Bible which was published by his authority, but he himself corrected the errata:

"Nostra nos ipsi manu correximus, si qua prælo vitia obrepserant." Sixti Præfat.

199.,

It does not appear that a single copy escaped from his revision; and when the pen was insufficient, words were printed and pasted on. (See Kennicott's Second Dissertation on the State of the printed Hebrew Text of the Old Testament, p. note: Oxford, 1759.) So far was the Pontiff from admitting, or imagining, that, after all his labour, a more perfect book might be required, that, according to his certain knowledge, and the plenitude of his apostolic power," he determined by a decree of permanent validity ("perpetuo valitura constitutione,") that henceforward his edition -"hanc ipsam"-was to be received "pro vera, legitima, authentica, et indubitata;" and every future impression was to be regulated by it alone, and to be completed with inquisitorial, or

66

at least episcopal care,-"ne minima quidem particula mutata, addita, vel detracta."

What, then, was the pretence by means of which Pope Clement VIII. attempted to nullify such plain language, and to evade the express sentence of interdict and excommunication pronounced against offending ecclesiastics by his predecessor? Evidently no better device could be invented than to affirm that Sixtus V. had designed the execution of a new edition; but that, his death having intervened, his purpose had been frustrated. The passage deserves transcription:

"Quod cùm jam esset excusum, et ut in lucem emitteretur, idem Pontifex operam daret, animadvertens non pauca in sacra Biblia præli vitio irrepsisse, quæ iterata diligentia indigere viderentur, totum opus sub incudem revocandum censuit atque decrevit. Id verò cùm morte præventus præstare non potuisset," &c.—Præfat. ad Lect.

The words which I have marked for Italies show the deception; for Sixtus had not sanctioned the publication of the volume until he had personally corrected the errors of the press, and then he imperiously proscribed subsequent alterations. The fact is, that his edition of the Scriptures encountered the identical fate to which his Index of prohibited books was consigned. They were printed in the same year, 1590; and were similarly withdrawn from circulation by Clement, and the plea of Sixtus's premature decease was artfully employed in both cases.

J. R. has made mention of the Bellum Papale; but I think that, if he had examined that very decisive book, he could not have regarded this question as one relating only to typography. If he should wish to reconsider the subject, I would recommend him also to read Dr. James's Defence of the said Concordia Discors, together with his treatise of The Varietie and Contrarietie of the Vulgar Latine Bibles. He will then, I should expect, assent to the truth of Dr. Donne's assertion, that between the Sixtine and Clementine editions of the Scriptures there are not simply some unimportant differences, but even "absolute and direct contradictions." (Pseudo-Martyr, p. 330., Lond. 1610.) R. G.

DANCING THE BRIDE TO BED.

(Vol. ii., p. 442.)

It is now two years ago since MR. CHAPPELL asked, "Can any of your readers favour me with notices of such a custom prevailing ?" He has not been answered; and in noticing the subject, I intend my communication more as an illustration of the manners of olden times, than as a direct reply.

A curious account of the merry makings at marriages is given in Coverdale's Christian State of

Matrimony, printed by Awdeley, in black letter, A.D. 1575.* The passages are as follows:

Early in the morning the wedding people begin to exceede in superfluous eating and drinking, whereof they spit, untill the half sermon be done. And when they come to the preaching, they are halfe dronken; some altogether: therefore regard they not the preaching, nor prayer, but stand there only because of the custome. Such folkes also do come unto the church with all maner of pompe and pride, and gorgeousness of raiment and jewels. They come with a great noyse of basens and drooms, wherewith they trouble the whole church. And even as they come to the church, so go they from the church again; light, nice, in shamefull pompe and vaine wantonnes."- Fol. 58. rev. 59. "After the banket and feast, there beginneth a vaine, mad, and unmannerly fashion; for the bride must be brought into an open dauncing place. Then is there such a running, leaping, and flinging among them, that a man might think all these dauncers had cast all shame behinde them, and were become starke mad and out of their wits, and that they were sworne to the devil's daunce. Then must the poore bride keepe foote with all dauncers, and refuse none, how scabbed, foule, drunken, rude, and shameles soever he be! Then must she oft tymes heare and see much wickednes, and blyng endureth even tyll supper. many an uncomly word. And that noyse and rom

"As for supper, looke how much shameles and much the more vice, exces, and misnurture is used at dronken the evening is more than the morning, so

the supper.

After supper must they begin to pipe and daunce again of anew. And though the young persons (being weary of the babbling noyse and inconvenience) come once towards their rest, yet can they have no quietnes! For a man shall find unmanerly and restles people that wyll first go to their chamber doore, and there syng vicious and naughty balates — that the devil may have his whole triumphe now to the uttermost!"-Fol. 59. rev. 60.

It was formerly the custom at weddings, both of the rich as well as the poor, to dance after dinner and after supper. In an old court masque of James I.'s time, performed at the Marriage Ceremony of Philip Herbert and Lady Susan (MS. in the writer's possession), it is directed, that at the conclusion of the performance "after supper," the company "dance a round dance." This was dancing the bride to bed."

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Dancing was considered so essential at weddings (according to Grose), that if in a family the youngest daughter should chance to be married before her elder sisters, they must all dance at her wedding without shoes; this would counteract their ill-luck, and procure them husbands.

EDWARD F. RIMBAULT.

[* This work passed through five editions between A.D. 1543 and 1575, and is said by J. Bale to be a translation from the Latin of H. Bullinger.-ED.]