n England to abolish at once all prerogatives of lords of manor, the remains of a Gothic legiflation. It was a fubject to be touched with a gentle hand, but we have little doubt in Yaying, that it is a greater grievance than any which have been fo oftentatiously produced. It is not the first time that we have had occafion to deliver this opinion.

The arret of parliament in 1788 offered, according to our author, the faireft foundation for a fyftem of liberty; but it was rejected with fcorn: it neither appeared in the metaphyfi cal garb of modern philofophy, nor did it probably fuit the ambitious view of fome who intended to be the future leaders of a revolution. The meeting of the ftates occafioned much disturbance refpecting the queftion of voting by orders, or by numbers, circumftances by no means of importance at this time, though on the refult of one of thefe, the union of orders and the proportion of the deputies of the tiers etat, the revolution depended. Thefe fubjects are well known, but we fhall add a fhort extract we think of confequence.

The difference between England and France muft, however, be fummed up in a few words. In England, the younger branches of noble families are mixed with the people; and it is the ambition of the elder branches to have them fit in the house of commons. In France there was no law which prohibited the Third Eftate from choosing a Gentilhomme for their reprefentative, but an unhappy prejudice had made it a matter of reproach, either for a Gentilhomme to offer himself, or for a body of popular electors to choose him as one of the popular reprefentatives. Hence arofe that peculiar compofition of the Third Estate, that great proportion of lawyers, attornies, phyficians, artists, authors, which furprifes Mr. Burke, whilft the chamber of nobles was full of private gentlemen, who in England would fit in the houfe of commons as knights of the shire *.*

The different parties, in the ftates-general, have not been diftinctly defcribed in any English publication of importance. We fhall transcribe our author's account.

ift. The aristocratic party who were refolved to fupport, at all hazards, the feparation of the ftates into three chambers, and the refpective veto of each chamber on the others.

Meff. d'Eprefmefnil and Cazales led this party among the nobles, and l'Abbé Maury amongst the clergy, from his elo quence though not from his rank, for he is univerially agreed to

*If it was poffible, which happily it is not, to taint English minds at once with French principles, it is not merely our King, our Nobility, out Clergy, it is sur u bole body of Country Gentlemen that would be ruined."

be one of the most able extempore speakers; a talent which few Frenchman as yet poffefs.

This party were fuppofed to be connected with the detefted party of the Comte d'Artois, the princes of Condè and Conti, the Polignacs, the queen (influenced by the Polignacs who had long held fupreme afcendency over her) and in short, all the courtiers whofe vices and expences were fad to have occafioned the misfortunes of the ftate. I myfelf believe that it was the violence of the commons which drove the aftocratics into this very august, but in the common opinion very bad company: of this, however, every reader must judge for himself. Not one member of the Third Eftate ventured to declare himself of this faction.

2. The moderate or middle party, who though averfe to the distinction of three feparate orders, wifhed for a British Con ftitution, or as that phrafe implies a little British vanity, let it be called a Conftitution founded on the principle of reciprocal controul. Mounier led this party in the Third Eftate, and along with him M. Bergaffe, and M. Malouet, deputy from Auvergne. Lally Tolendal, fon to the famous and unfortunate Lally, and the Comte de Clermont-Tonnerre led this party in the house of nobles, and the bishop of Langres was its chief partifan amongst the clergy.

The work called l'Ami du Roi, though it difapproves its principles, confiders it as a party formed moftly of virtuous men, and hints, that for that reafon it ever was and ever would be the least numerous party. Whoever compares that courtly work with the oppofite letter of M. Depont to Mr. Burke, (taking its genuineness for granted) will find that the majority both on the cour y and popular fides, agreed in difliking a close imitation of the British conftitution. If the like prejudice fhould appear in fome English writers against the new French inftitutions, their own example should prevent Frenchmen and their admirers from feverely condemning it. Of the five profeffed adherents to the British principle of reciprocal controul, Mounier and Lally are in exile, Clermont-Tonnerre, Malouet and the bishop of Langres, have only ftaid behind to experience repeated affronts and ill ufage.

In the third place muft ftand the most confiderable and triumphant democratic party, whofe leaders are too numerous to recite. The bishop of Autun, and the curate Gregoire amongst the clergy, M. Chapelier, a lawyer deputed from Rennes, Barnave, a proteftant deputed from Dauphiny, Rabaud de St. Etienne, a proteftant clergyman deputed from Nimes, Pethion de Villeneuve, Charles de Lameth, and Roberfpierre amongst the commons, may be named as the principal. But it is private and feparate

views of a subdivision of this party led by the famous Mirabeau' that the royalists attribute most of the cruel fcenes which have difgraced the rifing liberty of France.'

Mirabeau is reprefented, we believe with juftice, in the moft odious colours: a man in private life detestable, in public violent, inconfiftent, interested, the tool of the duke of Orleans, who was inveterate againft the court, that opposed the marriage of his daughter with the eldest son of the count d'Artois.

These were the parties in this great fcene, and what is reprefented as the ufual prelude to the opening of the states-general, the verification of powers was the awful fignal of hoftilities. In England, the return of a member's name to the crown-office annexed to the writ, is the proof of election, which, if not petitioned againft, is, by that return, confidered as legal; in the ftates-general, each return is fcrutinifed by the affembly. The confequences of this first measure we have already noticed; but, when this arduous work was completed, and the affembly, in the new language of democracy, was become an active one,' their first step was, in our author's opinion, improper. They voted the contributions levied to be illegal, but no pofitive ftatute had declared their illegality, and it is an ex poft facto law: they abolished alfo the old taxes before they provided new ones, and reduced the peaceable citizens, who continued to pay the taxes, to the imputation of irregularity and disobedience.

The contefts, in confequence of the propofals for the union of the three orders are alfo fufficiently known, as well as the attention with which the clergy were courted by the democrats, by those who afterwards deprived them of their property. Yet our author, who thows on every occafion, fome aristocratical bias is, we believe, in this point mifled. If the clergy confift of 130,000, more than 100,000 are benefited by the change; and another circumftance, which he indeed reprobates, thould have been rather the object of the warmest refentment, we mean the committee of mendicity. The riches of the church were partially divided: to many unworthy prelates much was given, and a great number of refpectable curés were contented with a pittance much inferior to their present ftipends; but, independent of these fonds, a great part of the revenues of the church were directed to the relief of the poor, and it will appear on the whole, that, independent of the injuftice of the measure, the affembly, in the eagerness of their enthufiafm, have thrown into the general coffers, and for the benefit of the state, what must be again iffued for the very purposes to which it has been hitherto allotted. When the

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affignats can be no longer iffued, the provifions for the poor will make the deficit ftill more enormous than it was before.

The king's offer, at the royal feflions, is confidered as in fome refpects too complicated, and in others not fufficiently expli cit; yet, in our author's opinion, it contains as much liberty as the French were then capable of enjoying. The hiftorian apoftrophiles the democratical leaders in this part of his Sketch, and expoftulates with them on the enormities through which the metaphyfical fyitem has been purfued, when this rational one was within their reach. We dare not fay that these gen tlemen, with all the future fcenes before their eyes, would have rejected the vifionary phantom now purfued; nor let us be cenfured as uncharitable with facts and circumftances be fore our eyes, with opinions uttered with little referve, ftill tingling in our ears. In our fituation, we have treated them with a candour they have little merited, and which we know they would not have imitated. In their more fecret moments, they have confeffed as much. But to return.

We fee no very particular fubject of remark, though we must commend our author's reflections on the gifts of monarchs, which, when once feized by the people, they have been ufually enabled to retain, till we arrive at the memorable furprize of the Baftile.

Had the gates of that horrible fortrefs opened to a peaceable deputation from the Three Orders of the State, charged with collecting materials to prove the neceffity of thofe laws in favour of perfonal liberty, which the king himfelf had left to their confideration and free votes,-fuch a day would have deferved to be celebrated by one univerfal jubilee of all the Friends of Freedom. And I can. not yet fee any reafon to believe, but that fuch a glorious day would have taken place, if the conftitution of the 23d of June had been accepted.

But as the event now ftands, the feelings of impartial men ought to remain fufpended. The taking of the Bafile has betrayed the Secret of all governments, republican as well as monarchical: it has proved that nothing can withstand the unanimous force of an enraged multitude: an awful truth! upon which all kings and fenates fhould meditate in trembling filence, but of which the multitude ought ever to remain ignorant.

Is this fpeaking like a friend of defpotifm? Then let me aft thefe fcholars, with which our feet of independents is undoubtedly well provided, whether Tacitus is a friend to defpotism? and then, whether he expreffes any transport at the fall of Nero? Can they rot perceive, through the veil of his cbfcure concifenels, that his deep fearching mind was more affected with the mi,for

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tunes threatened to the Roman empire, from the want of fubordination of the foldiery, than gratified by the death of a single tyrant, although he was the most enormous monfter that ever difgraced humanity? What panegyrics are beftowed, both by Tacitus and by Pliny, on Virginius Rufus, whofe uncommon merit was to have refufed the empire from the hands of the foldiery, and told his army, that he would not take arms against a tyrant, until the Senate had ordered him.

It is remarked, in another place, that when the democrats wanted the affiftance of the military, the foldier was declared not to be a machine: when in poffeffion of power, the language is different. The effence of an armed military force is obedience. On the return of M. Necker, the failings of that weak inefficient politican are the fubject of fome remarks: but we think the hiftorian does not notice the principal error, that indecifion which taught each party to look on him as an enemy, and gave no encouragement to either to truft him as a friend. The different facts fuppofed to have occurred in the provinces, we mean the licentions cruelties and enormities of the mob, are alfo too particularly related, on the authority of M. Lally. The fame facts are thortly mentioned, it is added on the authority of the democratic author of 'L'Hiftore de la Revolution. Mirabeau fpeaks of them with indifference, and the national affembly feemed always willing to elude the enquiry. They cannot be wholly true, and the line is with difficulty drawn; yet the lowest of the mob, cowards the most contemptibe, poltroons the most deteftable, when fubordination is for a moment levelled, may, undoubtedly, be guilty of the worst enormities.

The glorious night,' of the fourth of Auguft, when by acclamation, almoft by infpiration, privileges, immunities, tythes, &c. were refigned by all orders, occafions fome remarks which it may be neceflary to notice fhortly. The whole number of abuses removed, or at leaft voted in this way, were not, in our author's opinion, likely to do fo much real good, to promote fuch a lafting concord between rich and poor, as one grievance removed by one bill framed in confequence of real enquiry and impartial difcuffion in the English parliament. It is, indeed, probable, that what is thus rafhly given away may be fecretly refumed, or fecret attempts will be made for that purpose: enthufiafm, in proportion to its violence is tranfitory, and the inconvenience remains, when the patriotic fit is at an end. The more cool metaphyfical difquifition refpecting the rights of man now engaged the afLembly's notice; and it is remarked in the Sketch before us, that this curious work not only engaged them too long, but its inconfiftency, on one hand, with what was afterwards.

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