Imatges de pÓgina


If you were to bring the Catholics into the daylight of the world, to the high situations of the army, the navy, and the bar, numbers of them would come over to the established church, and do as other people do ;instead of that you set a mark of infamy upon them, rouse every passion of our nature in favour of their ereed, and then wonder that men are blind to the follies of the Catholic religion. There are hardly any instances of old and rich families among the Protestant dissenters; when a man keeps a coach, and lives in good company, he comes to church, and gets ashamed of the meeting-house; if this is not the case with the father, it is almost always the case with the son. These things would never be so, if the dissenters were in practice as much excluded from all the concerns of civil life, as the Catholics are. If a rich young Catholic were in Parliament, he would belong to White's and to Brookes's, would keep race-horses, would walk up and down Pall Mall, be exonerated of his ready money and his constitution, become as totally devoid of morality, honesty, knowledge, and civility, as Protestant loungers in Pall Mall, and return home with a supreme contempt for Father O'Leary and Father O' Callaghan. I am astonished at the madness of the Catholic clergy, in not perceiving that Catholic eman cipation is Catholic infidelity; that to entangle their people in the intrigues of a Protestant Parliament, and a Protestant court, is to insure the loss of every man of fashion and consequence in their community. The true receipt for preserving their religion is Mr. Perceval's receipt for destroying it; it is to deprive every rich Catholic of all the objects of secular ambition, to separate him from the Protestant, and to shut him up in his castle, with priests and relics.

We are told, in answer to all our arguments, that this is not a fit period,-that a period of niversal war is not the proper time for dangerous innovations in the constitution; this is as much as to say, that the worst time for making friends is the period when you have made many enemies; that it is the greatest of all er. rors to stop when you are breathless, and to lie down when you are fatigued Of one thing I am quite cer tain: if the safety of Europe is once completely restor ed, the Catholics may forever bid adieu to the slightest probability of effecting their object. Such men as hang about a court not only are deaf to the suggestions of mere justice, but they despise justice; they detest the word right; the only word which rouses them is peril; where they can oppress with impunity, they op. press for ever, and call it loyalty and wisdom.

I am so far from conceiving the legitimate strength of the crown would be diminished by these abolitions of civil incapacities in consequence of religious opinions, that my only objection to the increase of religious freedom is, that it would operate as a diminution of political freedom; the power of the crown is so overbearing at this period, that almost the only steady opposers of its fatal influence are men disgusted by religious intolerance. Our establishments are so enormous, and so utterly disproportioned to our population, that every second or third man you meet in society gains something from the public; my brother the commissioner-my nephew the police justice purveyor of small beer to the army in Ireland-clerk of the mouth-yeoman to the left hand-these are the obstacles which common sense and justice have now to overcome. Add to this, that the king, old and infirm, excites a principle of very amiable generosity in his favour; that he has led a good, moral, and religious life, equally removed from profligacy and methodistical hypocrisy; that he has been a good husband, a good father, and a good master; that he dresses plain, loves hunting and farming, hates the French, and is, in all opinions and habits, quite English:-these feelings are heightened by the present situation of the world, and the yet unexploded clamour of Jacobinism. In short, from the various sources of interest, personal regard, and national taste, such a tempest of loyalty has set in upon the people, that the 47th proposition in Euclid might now be voted down with as much ease as any proposition in politics; and, therefore, if Lord Hawkesbury hates the abstract truths of science as much as he hates concrete truth

in human affairs, now is his time for getting rid of the multiplication table, and passing a vote of censure upou the pretensions of the hypothenuse. Such is the history of English parties at this moment; you cannot seriously suppose that the people care for such men as Lord Hawkesbury, Mr. Canning, and Mr. Perceval, on their own account; you cannot really believe them to be so degraded as to look to their safety from a man who proposes to subdue Europe by keeping it without Jesuit's bark. The people, at present, have one passion, and but one

A Jove principium, Jovis omnia plena. They care no more for the ministers I have mentioned, than they do for those sturdy royalists who, for 601. per annum, stand behind his majesty's carriage, arrayed in scarlet and in gold. If the present minis ters opposed the court instead of flattering it, they would not command twenty votes.

Do not imagine, by these observations, that I am not loyal; without joining in the common cant of the best of kings, I respect the king most sincerely as a good man. His religion is better than the religion of Mr. Perceval, his old morality very superior to the old morality of Mr. Canning, and I am quite certain he has a safer understanding than both of them put together. Loyalty, within the bounds of reason and moderation, is one of the great instruments of English happiness; but the love of the king may easily be come more strong than the love of the kingdom, and we may lose sight of the public welfare in our exag. gerated admiration of him who is appointed to reign only for its promotion and support. I detest Jacobinism; and if I am doomed to be a slave at all, I would rather be the slave of a king than a cobbler. God save the king, you say, warms your heart like the sound of a trumpet. cannot make use of so violent a metaphor; but I am delighted to hear it, when it is the cry of genuine affection; I am delighted to hear it, when they hail not only the individual man, but the outward and living sign of all English blessings. These are noble feelings, and the heart of every good man must go with them; but God save the king, in these times, too often means God save my pension and my place, God give my sisters an allowance out of the privy purse-make me clerk of the irons, let me survey the meltings, let me live upon the fruits of other men's industry, and fatten upon the plunder of the public.

What is it possible to say to such a man as the gen tleman of Hampstead, who really believes it feasible to convert the four million Irish Catholics to the Protestant religion, and considers this as the best remedy for the disturbed state of Ireland? It is not possible to answer such a man with arguments; we must come out against him with beads, and a cowl, and push him into an hermitage. It is really such trash, that it is an abuse of the privilege of reasoning to reply to it. Such a project is well worthy the statesman who would bring the French to reason by keeping them without rhubarb, and exhibit to mankind the awful spectacle of a nation deprived of neutral salts. This is not the dream of a wild apothecary indulging in his own opium; this is not the distempered fancy of a pounder of drugs, delirious from smallness of profits; but it is the sober, deliberate, and systematic scheme of a man to whom the public safety is entrusted, and whose appointment is considered by many as a mas terpiece of political sagacity. What a sublime thought, that no purge can now be taken between the Weser and the Garonne; that the bustling pestle is still, the canorous mortar mute, and the bowels of mankind locked up for fourteen degrees of latitude! When, I should be curious to know, were all the powers of crudity and flatulence fully explained to his majesty's ministers? At what period was this great plan of conquest and constipation fully developed? In whose mind was the idea of destroying the price, and the plasters of France first engendered? Without castor oil they might, for some months, to be sure, have carried on a lingering war; but can they do without bark? Will the people live under a govern ment where antimonial powders cannot be procured

There's the the saints and chosen of God;' and then the decree adds, public offices and honours, high or low, great or small, shall be given to natural born Hungarians who deserve well of their country, and possess the other qualifications, let their religion be what it may. Such was a line of policy pursued in a diet consisting of four hundred members, in a state whose form of government approaches nearer to our own than any other, having a Roman Catholic establishment of great wealth and power, and under the influence of one of the most bigoted Catholic courts of Europe. This measure has now the experience of eighteen years in its favour; it has undergone a trial of fourteen years of revolution, such as the world never witnessed, and more than equal to a century less convulsed. What have been its effects? When the French advanced like a torrent within a few days' march of Vienna, the Hungarians rose in a mass; they formed what they called the sacred insurrection, to defend their sovereign, their rights and liberties, now common to all; and the apprehension of their approach dictated to the reluctant Bonaparte the immediate signature of the treaty of Leoben: the Romish hierarchy of Hungary exists in all its former splendour and opulence; never has the slightest attempt been made to diminish it; and those revolutionary principles, to which so large a portion of civilized Europe has been sacrificed, have here failed in making the smallest successful inroad.

The whole history of this proceeding of the Hungarian diet is so extraordinary, and such an admirable comment upon the Protestantism of Mr. Spencer Perceval, that I must compel you to read a few short extracts from the law itself:-The Protestants of both confessions shall, in religious matters, depend upon their own spiritual superiors alone. The Protestants may likewise sustain their trivial and grammar schools. The church dues which the Protestants have hitherto paid to the Catholic parish priests, schoolmasters, or other such officers, either in money, productions, or labour, shall in future entirely cease, and after three months from the publishing of this law, be no more any where demanded. In the building or repairing of churches, parsonage-houses and schools, the Protestants are not obliged to assist the Catholics with labour, nor the Catholics the Protestants. The pious foundations and donations of the Protestants which already exist, or which in future may be made for their churches, ministers, schools, and students, hospitals, orphan-houses, and poor, cannot be taken from them under any pretext, nor yet the care of them; but rather the unimpeded adminis. tration of them shall be entrusted to those from among them to whom it belongs, and those founda. tions which may have been taken from them under the last government, shall be returned to them without delay; all affairs of the marriage of Protestants are left to their own consistories; all landlords and masters of families, under the penalty of public prosecu tion, are ordered not to prevent their subjects and servants, whether they be Catholic or Protestant, from the observance of the festivals and ceremonies of their religion,' &c. &c. &c.-By what strange chances are mankind influenced! A little Catholic barrister of Vienna might have raised the cry of no Protestantism, and Hungary would have panted for the arrival of a French army as much as Ireland does at this moment; arms would have been searched for; Lutheran and Calvinist houses entered in the dead of the night; and the strength of Austria exhausted in guarding a country from which, under the present liberal system, she may expect, in a moment of danger the most powerful aid; and let it be remembered, that this memorable example of political wisdom took place at a period when many great monarchies were yet unconquered in Europe; in a country where the two religious parties were equal in number; and where it is impossible to suppose indifference in the party which relinquished its exclusive privileges. Under all these circumstances, the measure was carried in the Hungarian diet by a majority of 280 to 120. In a few weeks we shall see every concession denied to the Catholics by a much larger majority of Protestants, at a moment when every other power is subjugated but

Will they bear the loss of mercury?
rub. Depend upon it, the absence of the materia |
medica will soon bring them to their senses, and the
cry of Bourbon and bolus burst forth from the Baltic
to the Mediterranean.

You ask me for any precedent in our history where the oath of supremacy has been dispensed with. It was dispensed with to the Catholics of Canada, in 1774. They are only required to take a simple oath of allegiance. The same, I believe, was the case in Corsica. The reason of such exemption was obvious; you could not possibly have retained either of these countries without it. And what did it signify, whether you retained them or not? In cases where you might have been foolish without peril, you were wise; when nonsense and bigotry threaten you with destruction, it is impossible to bring you back to the alphabet of justice and common sense; if men are to be fools, I would rather they were fools in little matters that in great; dulness turned up with temerity, is a livery all the worse for the facings; and the most tremendous of all things is the magnanimity of a dunce.

It is not by any means necessary, as you contend, to repeal the Test Act if you give relief to the Catholic; what the Catholics ask for is to be put on a footing with the Protestant dissenters, which would be done by repealing that part of the law which compels them to take the oath of supremacy and to make the declation against transubstantiation; they would then come into Parliament as all other dissenters are allowed to do, and the penal laws to which they were exposed for taking office would be suspended every year, as they have been for this half century past towards Protestant dissenters. Perhaps, after all, this is the best method, to continue the persecuting law, and to suspend it every year,—a method which, while it effectually destroys the persecution itself, leaves to the great mass of mankind the exquisite gratification of supposing that they are enjoying some advantage from which a particular class of their fellow creatures are excluded. We manage the Corporation and Test Acts at present much in the same manner as if we were to persuade parish boys, who had been in the habit of beating an ass, to spare the animal, and beat the skin of an ass stuffed with straw; this would preserve the semblance of tormenting without the reality, and keep boy and beast in good humour.

How can you imagine that a provision for the Catholic clergy affects the fifth article of the Union? Surely I am preserving the Protestant church in Ireland, if I put it in a better condition than that in which it now is. A tithe proctor in Ireland collects his tithes with a blunderbuss, and carries his tenth hay-cock by storm, sword in hand; to give him equal value in a more pacific shape, cannot, I should imagine, be considered as injurious to the church of Ireland; and what right has that church to complain, if Parliament chooses to fix upon the empire the burthen of supporting a double ecclesiastical establishment? Are the revenues of the Irish Protestant clergy in the slightest degree injured by such a provision? On the contrary, is it possible to confer a more serious benefit upon that church, than by quieting and contenting those who are at work for its destruction?

It is impossible to think of the affairs of Ireland without being forcibly struck with the parallel of Hungary. Of her seven millions of inhabitants, one-half were Protestants, Calvinists, and Lutherans, many of the Greek Church, and many Jews; such was the state of their religious dissensions, that Mahomet had often been called in to the aid of Calvin, and the cresent often glittered on the walls of Buda and of Presburg. At fast in 1791, during the most violent crisis of disturbance, a diet was called, and by a great majority of voices a decree was passed, which secured to all the contending sects the fullest and freest exercise of religious worship and education; ordained (let it be heard in Hampstead) that churches and chapels should be erected for all on the most perfectly equal terms, that the Protestants of both confessions should depend upon their spiritual superiors alone, liberated them from swearing by the usual oath, the holy Virgin Mary,

ourselves, and in a country where the oppressed are four times as numerous as their oppressors. So much for the wisdom of our ancestors-so much for the nineteenth century-so much for the superiority of the English over all other nations of the continent.

Are you not sensible, let me ask you, of the absurdity of trusting the lowest Catholics with offices correspondent to their situation in life, and of denying such privilege to the higher? A Catholic may serve in the militia, but a Catholic cannot come into Parliament; in the latter case you suspect combination, and in the former case you suspect no combination; you deliberately arın ten or twenty thousand of the lowest of the Catholic people-and the moment you come to a class of men whose education, honour, and talents, seem to render all mischief less probable, then you see the danger of employing a Catholic, and cling to your investigating tests and disabling laws. If you tell me you have enough of members of Parliament, and not enough of militia, without the Catholics, I beg leave to remind you, that employing the physical force of any sect, at the same time when you leave them in a state of utter disaffection, you are not adding strength to your armies, but weakness and ruin:-it you want the vigour of their common people, you must not disgrace their nobility, and insult their priesthood.

very necessary that a chancellor should be of the re ligion of the Church of England, how many chancel lers you have had within the last century who have been bred up in the Presbyterian religion?-And again, how many you have had who notoriously have been without any religion at all?

Why are you to suppose that eligibility and election are the same thing, and that all the cabinet will be Catholics, whenever all the cabinet may be Catholics? You have a right, you say, to suppose an extreme case, and to argue upon it-so have I: and I will suppose that the hundred Irish members will one day come down in a body, and pass a law compelling the king to reside in Dublin. I will suppose that the Scotch members, by a similar stratagein, will lay England under a large contribution of meal and sulphur; no measure is without objection, if you sweep the whole horizon for danger; it is not sufficient to tell me of what may happen, but you must show me a ra tional probability that it will happen after all, I might, contrary to my real opinion, admit all your dangers to exist; it is enough for me to contend that all other dangers taken together are not equal to the danger of losing Ireland from disaffection and inva. sion.


I am astonished to see you, and many good and well-meaning clergymen beside you, painting the CathI thought that the terror of the pope had been con- olics in such detestable colours; two-thirds, at least, fined to the limits of the nursery, and merely employ-of Europe are Catholics,-they are Christians, though ed as a means to induce young master to enter into his mistaken Christians; how can I possibly admit that small clothes with greater speed, and to eat his break-any sect of Christians, and above all, that the oldest fast with greater attention to decorum. For these and most numerous sect of Christians, are incapable of purposes, the name of the pope is admirable; but why fulfilling the duties and relations of life; though I do push it beyond? Why not leave to Lord Hawkesbu- differ from them in many particulars, God forbid I ry all farther enumeration of the pope's powers? For sholud give such a handle to infidelity, and subscribe a whole century, you have been exposed to the enmity to such blasphemy against our common religion! of France, and your succession was disputed in two rebellions; what could the pope do at the period when there was a serious struggle, whether England should be Protestant or Catholic, and when the issue was completely doubtful? Could the pope induce the Irish to rise in 1715? Could he induce them to rise in 1745? You had no Catholic enemy when half this island was in arms; and what did the pope attempt in the last rebellion in Ireland? But if he had as much power over the minds of the Irish as Mr. Wilberforce has over the mind of a young Methodist, converted the preced- I must beg to be excused from explaining and re. ing quarter, is this a reason why we are to disgust futing all the mistakes about the Catholics made by men, who may be acted upon in such a manner by a my Lord Redesdale; and I must do that nobleman the foreign power? or is it not an additional reason why justice to say, that he has been treated with great dis. we should raise up every barrier of affection and kind-respect. Could any thing be more indecent than to ness against the mischiet of foreign influence? But make it a morning lounge in Dublin to call upon his the true answer is, the mischief does not exist. Gog lordship, and to cram him with Arabian-night stories and Magog have produced as much influence upon hu- about the Catholics? Is this proper behaviour to the man affairs, as the pope has done for this half century representative of majesty, the child of Themis, and past; and by spoiling him of his possessions, and de- the keeper of the conscience in West Britain ?-Whograding him in the eyes of all Europe. Bonaparte has ever reads the letters of the Catholic bishops, in the not taken quite the proper method of increasing his appendix to Sir John Hippesly's very sensible book, influence. will see to what an excess this practice must have been carried with the pleasing and Protestant nobleman whose name I have mentioned, and from thence I wish you to receive your answer about excommunication, and all the trash which is talked against the Catholics.

Do you think mankind never change their opinions without formally expressing and confessing that change? When you quote the decisions of ancient Catholic councils, are you prepared to defend all the decrees of English convocations and universities since the reign of Queen Elizabeth? I could soon make you sick of your uncandid industry against the Catholics, and bring you to allow that it is better to forget times past, and to judge and be judged by present opinions and present practice.

But why not a Catholic king, as well as a Catholic member of Parliament, or of the cabinet?-Because it is probable that the one would be mischievous, and the other not. A Catholic king might struggle against the Protestantism of the country, and if the struggle was not successful, it would at least be dangerous; A sort of notion has, by some means or another, but the efforts of any other Catholic would be quite in- crept into the world, that difference of religion would significant, and his hope of success so small, that it is render men unfit to perform together the offices of quite improbable the effort would ever be made; my common and civil life; that Brother Wood and Broargument is, that in so Protestant a country as Great ther Grose could not travel together the same circuit Britain, the character of her Parliaments and her cab.if they differed in creed, nor Cockell and Mingay be inet could not be changed by the few Catholics who engaged in the same cause if Cockell was a Catholic would ever find their way to the one or the other, and Mingay a Muggletonian. It is supposed that HusBut the power of the crown is immeasurably greater kisson and Sir Harry Englefield would squabble behind than the power which the Catholics could obtain from the speaker's chair about the Council of Lateran, and any other species of authority in the state; and it many a turnpike bill miscarry by the sarcastical con does not follow, because the lesser degree of power is troversies of Mr. Hawkins Brown and Sir John Thockinnocent, that the greater should be so too." As for morton upon the real presence. I wish I could see the stress you lay upon the danger of a Catholic chan- some of these symptoms of earnestness upon the subject cellor, I have not the least hesitation in saying, that of religion; but it really seems to me, that in the prehis appointment would not do a ten-thousandth part sent state of society, men no more think about inquir of the mischief to the English church that might be ing concerning each other's faith than they do con. done by a methodistical chancellor of the true Clap- cerning the colour of each other's skins. There may ham breed; and I request to know, if it is really so have been times in England when the quarter sessions

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nimity at home, by equalizing rights and privileges, what is the ignorant, arrogant, and wicked system which has been pursued? Such career of madness and of folly was, I believe, never run in so short a period. The vigour of the ministry is like the vigour of a grave digger,-the tomb becomes more ready and more wide for every effort which they make. 'There is nothing which it is worth while either to take or to retain. and a constant train of ruinous expeditions has been kept up. Every Englishman felt proud of the integrity of his country; the character of the country is lost for ever. It is of the utmost consequence to a commercial people at war with the greatest part of Europe, that there should be a free entry of neutrals into the enemy's ports; the neutrals who carried our manufactures we have not only excluded, but we have compelled them to declare war against us. It was our interest to make a good peace, or convince our own people that it could not be obtained; we have not made a peace, and we have convinced the people of nothing but of the arrogance of the foreign secre tary; and all this has taken place in the short space of a year, because a King's Bench barrister and a writer of epigrams, turned into ministers of state, were determined to show country gentlemen that the late administration had no vigour. In the mean time commerce stands still, manufactures perish, Ireland is more and more irritated, India is threatened. fresh taxes are accumulated upon the wretched people, the war is carried on without it being possible to conceive any one single object which a rational being can pro pose to himself by its continuation; and in the midst of this unparalleled insanity, we are told that the con tinent is to be reconquered by the want of rhubarb and plumbs. A better spirit than exists in the Eng. lish people never existed in any people in the world; it has been misdirected, and squandered upon party purposes in the most degrading and scandalous man. ner; they have been led to believe that they were I now take a final leave of this subject of Ireland; benefiting the commerce of England by destroying the the only difficulty in discussing it is a want of re commerce of America, that they were defending their sistance, a want of something difficult to unravel, and sovereign by perpetuating the bigoted oppression of something dark to illumine; to agitate such a ques. their fellow-subject; their rulers and their guides have tion is to beat the air with a club, and cut down gnats told them that they would equal the vigour of France with a scimitar; it is a prostitution of industry, and a by equalling her atrocity; and they have gone on waste of strength. If a man says I have a good place, wasting that opulence, patience, and courage, which, and I do not choose to lose it, this mode of arguing if husbanded by prudent and moderate counsels, might upon the Catholic question I can well understand; but have proved the salvation of mankind. The same that any human being w th an understanding two de- policy of turning the good qualities of Englishmen to grees elevated above that of an Anabaptist preacher, their own destruction, which made Mr. Pitt omniposhould conscientiously contend for the expediency and tent, continues his power to those who resemble him propriety of leaving the Irish Catholics in their pre-only in his vices; advantage is taken of the loyalty of sent state, and of subjecting us to such tremendous Englishmen, to make them meanly submissive; their peril in the present condition of the world, it is utter- piety is turned into persecution, their courage into ly out of my power to conceive. Such a measure as useless and obstinate contenticn; they are plundered the Catholic question is entirely beyond the com- because they are ready to pay, and soothed into mon game of politics; it is a measure in which all asinine stupidity because they are full of virtuous parties ought to acquiesce, in order to preserve the patience. If England most perish at last, so let it be ; place where and the stake for which they play. If that event is in the hands of God; we must dry up Ireland is gone, where are jobs? where are rever. our tears and submit. But that England should perish sions? where is my brother, Lord Arden? where are swindling and stealing; that it should perish waging my dear and near relations? The game is up, and war against lazar houses and hospitals; that it should the speaker of the House of Commons will be sent as perish persecuting with monastic bigotry; that it a present to the menagerie at Paris. We talk of wait. should calmly give itself up to be ruined by the fashy ing from particular considerations, as if centuries of arrogance of one man, and the narrow fanaticism of joy and prosperity were before us; in the next ten another; these events are within the power of human years our fate must be decided; we shall know, long beings, and I did not think that the magnanimity before that period, whether we can bear up against of Englishmen would ever stoop to such degradations. the miseries by which we are threatened, or not; and yet, in the very midst of our crisis, we are enjoined to abstain from the most certain means of increasing our strength, and advised to wait for the remedy till the disease is removed by death or health. And now, instead of the plain and manly policy of increasing una.

Longum vale!

* Vide Lord Bacon, Locke, and Descartes.

would have been disturbed by the theological polemics; but now, after a Catholic justice had once been seen on the bench, and it had been clearly ascertained that he spoke English, had no tail, only a single row of teeth, and that he loved port-wine,-after all the scandalous and infamous reports of his physical confirmation had been clearly proved to be false, -he would be reckoned a jolly fellow, and very supe rior in flavour to a sly Presbyterian. Nothing, in fact, can be more uncandid and unphilosophical* than to say that a man has a tail, because you cannot agree with him upon religious subjects; it appears to be ludicrous, but I am convinced it has done infinite mischief to the Catholics, and made a very serious impression upon the minds of many gentlemen of large landed property.

In talking of the impossibility of Catholics and Protestants living together under the same government, do you forget the cantons of Switzerland? You might have seen there a Protestant congregation going into a church which had just been quitted by a Catholic congregation; and I will venture to say that the Swiss Catholics were more bigoted to their religion than any people in the whole world. Did the kings of Prussia ever refuse to employ a Catholic? Would Frederick the Great have rejected an able inan on this account? We have seen Prince Czartorinski, a Catholic sectretary of state in Russia; in former times, a Greek patriarch and an apostolic vicar acted toge ther in the most perfect harmony in Venice; and we have seen the Emperor of Germany in modern times entrusting the care of his person and the command of his guard to a Protestant prince, Ferdinand of Wirtemberg. But what are all these things to Mr. Perceval? He has looked at human nature from the top of Hampstead Hill, and has not a thought beyond the little sphere of his own vision. The snail, say the Hindoos, sees nothing but its own shell, and thinks it the grandest palace in the universe.'

* Even Allen Park (accustomed as he has always been to be delighted by all administrations) says it is too bad; and Hall and Morris are said to have actually blushed in one of the divisions.


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