'manders, the leaders of the Virginian dynasty. And having performed these 'feats of legislation, the congress-men retire to their respective domiciles; and 'congratulate each other upon their deliberative sagacity and wisdom, without any dread of encountering the ridicule or reproach of an intelligent human 'being, amidst the gross population, so thinly scattered over the naked metro'polis of America.

'Above all, the seat of government being fixed at Washington, gives full play and opportunity for the exercise of Virginian influence to acquire complete 'ascendency over the other portions of the Union. Virginia is the largest of all the United States: its laws, forbidding real property to be attached for 'debt; the custom of leaving the landed estates of the family to the eldest son, in hereditary succession; the power of voting in proportion to the number of negro 'slaves upon each plantation, [a] (the slaves amounting to about half the popu'lation of the state ;) the proprietary qualification of a considerable freehold re'quired in every white voter; together with some other circumstances in their ⚫ state, constitution, laws, and customs, all confer upon the Virginians very 'great political advantages, and enable them to act in a compact body, for the " purpose of perpetuating their dominion over the middle and northern States, 'throughout which they encourage the prevalence of democracy by every means in their power, while they do not suffer it even to exist within the precincts of their own State: for, by excluding all freemen who have no freehold, from ' voting; by themselves possessing votes, according to the number of their slaves; by transmitting their landed property in hereditary succession; and by freeing themselves from the embarrassments attending the subjection of their 'lands to attachment for debt, the planters of Virginia have erected themselves 'into a feudal aristocracy of untitled and unblazoned peers, and manage their 'affairs so adroitly as to give laws to the rest of the Union.

By the esprit du corps, which actuates every Virginian landholder, and by 'the constitutional policy which blends together the executive and legislative, ' and in some measure the judicial departments and functions of Virginia, that 'State is enabled to spread the web of influence over all the elections, as well state as federal, in the Union, so as to secure the appointment of proper personages, to be guided and directed by the master-hand of its leading politicians; whence the congress-men generally, and a majority of the state legislatures, have long been induced to vote and pass laws in conformity with the political views of their Virginian lords. Well might the Virginian landholders, therefore, so strenuously insist upon continuing the seat of government at Washington, lest their influence over Congress should be counteracted and defeated by the superior intelligence, activity, and virtue, always to be 'found in large and populous cities. Nay, it would not be so easy, after a while, to induce very unqualified men to sit in Congress, if the seat of government were fixed in any civilized place, and the members were constantly liable to be assailed for their incapacity by the superior sense and spirit of the in'habitants of the metropolis; and consequently a wiser order of beings would be selected to take upon themselves the very important charge of legislating 'for millions of their fellow men.' pp. 145-8.

The Virginian aristocracy will, no doubt, make the best use they can, while it lasts, of this guardianship of the Republic, which, it seems, they have assumed. And it may be difficult to guess the probable duration of the nonage of the ultramontane nations; but sooner or later, unquestionably, the western settlers will deem themselves to have attained to man's estate, and will make an effort

[a See note [a] last page, for the consideration of Mr. Bristed.

to manage their own affairs; and perhaps, not their own affairs merely, but those also of their less robust and less numerous fellow citizens towards the east.

The American executive government is still compelled, like a galley-slave, to row in irons: it remains, with few amendments, under the disadvantageous bondage of those practical absurdities which were the first crude product of the early revolutionary agitation. The shallow, illiberal philosophy of Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Paine, is woven into all the institutions of the United States; and it is, perhaps, too congenial with the habits and sentiments of the people, to be soon thrown off or corrected. So long, however, as this vulgar and vulgarizing philosophy continues in credit, it must not only cripple the Government, but in great measure preclude from the national character all those elevated qualities which make the difference between a complete Poor Richard' and a true gentleman. [a] Almost the whole system of American politics, especially what relates to its two great features, parsimony and popular jealousy, may be traced up to some of Franklin's showy maxims, which were so well adapted to tickle the ear of the populace by uniting in pithy apophthegms the pleasure of wit with the pleasure of axiomatic truth. Thus, for instance, what can be at once more sure and more pleasant than the saying, that no wise man will give two-pence for what may be had for three half-pence? On the strength of so clever a canon, applicable as well to the State as to the shop,—the American people bless their own shrewdness as often as they recollect the excellent bargain they have made with their public servants, and that they have a three-penny president, a two-penny vice-president, and pennyfarthing judges!

[This poignancy of wit is worthy of the profundity of argument quoted by the Reviewer from Mr. B― as follows:]

'It is deemed to be a marvellous improvement in the modern system of political economy, to mete out a meagre subsistence to the 'public servants of a country, and to calculate, to a single dollar, the exact amount of bodily and mental labour, for which a given 'salary is to be equivalent. Accordingly, there is not a sufficient stipend allowed to any American public officer, whether executive, or judicial, or ministerial, or naval, or military, to enable him to support the decent exterior of a gentleman.' [b]

This doctrine, also, is a theoretic illusion, and a practical evil; 'for in every civilized, opulent, and thriving society, a certain mag

a [The Edinburgh Review has it, that "Jonathan is vulgar and arithmetical," when contrasting the economy and wisdom of our expenditures, with those of England. See the Article on Seybert's Stat. Annals, in No. 1.] b [See note [a] again, page 215.] 28

VOL. II.

'nificence of expenditure is an indispensable part of official greatness :' [!]

'It is mere insanity to say, the people can get the work done for 'less money, and therefore they ought to give less. No doubt, a cobbler, or a retail dealer in small wares, or an attorney without practice, will patriotically consent to take upon himself the bur'den of governing the country, in any one of the great executive departments of state, for a small stipend; because the wages of office, though comparatively low, afford a larger income than ei'ther of these enlightened politicians can derive from the profits of 'his individual profession. But the business of the nation will not 'be well done. [How sage this discovery!] Nay, even in a money 'point of view, the nation will be a loser by employing underlings at 'a small salary, to conduct the government; because such men will ' actually destroy more public property, in twelve months of mal-administration, by restraints on commerce, by bounties on manufactures, by crippling the growth of productive industry, &c. &c. pp. 132-134. [The Editor expects the gratitude of American politicians for imparting so much of the political instruction of this more wise, learned, and virtuous Englishman.].

'

Our Author pretty confidently anticipates that the regular progression of things will gradually introduce a system that shall place, and permanently fix, the helm of government in the hands ' of the men of talent and property, as the only safe and legitimate 'sources and guardians of all political power.' At present, he says, the general government of the United States,

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can never depend upon the long continued support of the popular favour for ' enabling it to prosecute any permanent measures of enlarged and liberal 'policy. Being altogether a representative republic, it is obliged to exist too 'much by exciting and following the passions and prejudices of the multitude; to control and regulate which is the bounden duty of every wise and upright go'vernment, since the ignorance and violence of the multitude have an invariable tendency to defeat the execution of every intelligent and long-sighted national scheme. If the American government oppose the hasty clamours of a misguided populace, the officers of that government will soon be converted, by 'dint of universal suffrage, into private citizens; and the Union is of course con'demned to a perpetual oscillation of political movements.

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"It is not in the ordinary course of human affairs for such a state of things to be permanent; and it is to be apprehended, that the present general govern'ment of the United States will either assume a new form, or (what is much more desirable) will retain its name, but gradually become more stable and efficient, by fixing its rule upon the broad and firm foundations of property and talent; and, by progressively augmenting the power of the executive, 'enable it to mould the feelings, habits, and manners of the people to its own growth in strength and influence; and thus render the national government secure at home and respectable abroad.' pp. 217, 218.

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Wishing to avoid the appearance of joining in the vulgar outcry against America, we feel some difficulty in quoting from the latter

portion of the volume before us, which treats of the literature, habits, manners, and character of the United States. Almost the whole of what Mr. Bristed says on these topics, is in a tone of disparagement. In fact, we suspect that a little ill-temper, or some wounded feeling, has influenced his representations. Finding his literary character and liberal acquirements rather lightly appreciated in the store-keeping Republic, he is impelled perhaps, by way of self-defence, to indulge in a little sarcasm. That America does not abound with writers and philosophers of the first class, is a fact which hardly needs be formally affirmed. But this acknowledged deficiency, inevitably resulting from the present condition of the country, by no means justifies the inference, hastily drawn from it, that the mass of the people are in a proportionate degree inferior to the correspondent ranks in England, or France, in point of general information or taste for intellectual pleasures. Our Author seems sometimes to affirm, and sometimes to deny such an inference; he, however, strenuously opposes the supposition of any national intellectual inferiority, and occupies himself in tracing the causes of the acknowledged low condition of learning and science. Among these causes is, he says, to be particularly noticed, the unfortunate practice of entering upon active life at too early an age.

เ

There is a salutary adage in the old law books, which runs thus, "In juvene theologo conscientiæ detrimentum ; in juvene 'legislatâ bursæ detrimentum; in juvene medico cameterii 'incrementum :" the consciences of his parishioners suffer by 'a young clergyman; the purse of his clients diminishes in the 'hands of a young lawyer; and the churchyard increases by the 'labours of a young physician. This adage, however, has not yet 'found its way into the United States, where the young people of 'all classes are precipitated into business during childhood.' pp. 313, 314.

'The consequences of this precocious publicity are, a superficial ' elementary education, a perpetual pruriency of prattle upon all subjects, without a due fathoming of the depths of any one of them, and an entailed disability of fully developing the understanding, 'which is narrowed in early life, by being prematurely absorbed in the minute but necessary details incident to every practical calling. Whence, with their due proportion of genius, in com'mon with all other nations, and with the advantage of a more ge'neral diffusion of popular intelligence than is to be found in any 'other community, too many of our citizens, in all the learned 'professions, begin, continue, and end their career, on much narrower ground than their native capacity, properly unfolded by 'previous general information, would enable them to cover.' p.

315.

'Another obstacle to the growth of literature in the United

States, arises from the great propensity to consume the talent of the country in the effusion of newspaper essays and political pamphlets, instead of concentrating it in the production of some regu'lar, consecutive work. In consequence of these desultory intellectual habits, periodical journals, as Reviews and Magazines, seldom last long. The author can obtain little or no assistance 'from others in his literary efforts; the persons competent to aid 'him in such an undertaking being comparatively few throughout the Union, and those, for the most part, actively employed in 'some laborious calling; and it is not in the power of any one 'man, however gifted with talent, adorned with knowledge, and 'armed with industry, to execute, alone, a literary journal as it ought to be executed, Add to this, the universal vice of the United States, a perpetual craving after novelty. The charge which Demosthenes brought against his own countrymen, that they were continually running about, and asking, “Is there any thing new?" is equally applicable to the Americans. This eter'nal restlessness and desire of change, pervade the whole structure of our society, &c. The people are incessantly shifting their habitations, employments, views, and schemes.'

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over.

The subject of domestic slavery, we must for the present pass With respect also to the state of religion in America, we can only make one or two quotations. Mr. Bristed, we confess, does not inspire us with that degree of confidence in his judgment, and candour, and discrimination, which would tempt our taking the occasion to hazard any observations on so weighty a matter.

[After a quotation on the subject of religion, the Reviewer expresses his disgust at the flippancy of the terms with which Mr. B. speaks of Dr. Priestly.' And well may even the most loyal Eng lishman feel such disgust at the following passage.]

'He sate, like a demi-god, snuffing up the incense of adulation from the Socinian democrats of Great Britain. But how reversed the picture, when he exchanged an English for an American home! A meagre deputation of obscure clergymen in our city ' of New-York, welcomed him to the United States with an absurd 'speech, full of jacobin bombast and fustian. He afterwards re'paired to Philadelphia, where he preached a few frigorific sermons to thin and drowsy audiences; he then retired to Northumber'land, in Pennsylvania, where he passed the remainder of his life in making small experiments amidst his alembics, crucibles, and retorts, for the result of which no one expressed the least interest; and he also occasionally ushered from the press religious and political pamphlets, which no one ever read. His death excited little, if any more sensation among the Pennsylvanian patriots, than they are wont to exhibit at the dissolution of a German farmer, or a German farmer's horse.' p. 407.