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INTENSIVE OR FREQUENTATIVE VERBS. 120. This form of the root is even less used than the desiderative. In the present participle, however, and in a few nouns, it may sometimes appear (r. 38. xiii. and 124.). It gives intensity to the radical idea, especially in the case of roots signifying “to shine," "to be beautiful," or "to lament." Thus, from dip," to shine," comes the intensive form dedāpy, “to shine brightly," and the present participle dedipyamāna (see r. 124.); so also from shubh, shoshubhy and shoshubyamāna ; from rud, rorudy and rorudyamāna. There are two kinds of intensive verb, the one a reduplicated ātmanepada verb, conforming, like neuter and passive verbs, to the 4th conjugation, and usually found in a neuter or passive signification; the other a reduplicated parasmaipada verb, formed analogously to the 3d conjugation. The first of these is the only form ever likely to occur.
The Terminations. The terminations may be either those of the atm. of the regular scheme at p. 63., or the par, of the irregular scheme at p. 66.; the former being adapted to that form of intensive which results from a reduplication of the passive; the latter to that form which bears analogy to the 3d conjugation.
FORMATION OF THE BASE OF THE ATMANEPADA FORM OF INTENSIVES.
Conjugational Tenses. The general rule is, that the initial consonant and vowel of the passive base be reduplicated. The consonant being reduplicated according to the usual rules (p. 75.), with the Guna substitute of the radical vowel, whether it be long or short. Thus, from the passive base diy (of dā, “ to give ") comes the intensive base dediy (dedīye, dedîyase, &c., see p. 127.); from hīy (passive of hā), jehāy ( jehāye, &c.); from stiry, testēry; from pūy, popūy ; from vidy, vevidy; from budhy, bobudhy.
If the passive base contain a medial a, long ā is substituted in the reduplication, as pāpachy from pach ; sāsmary from smary: if a medial ā, e, or o, the same are reduplicated; as yāyāchy from yach, seşhevy from sev, lolochy from lochy: if a medial ri, then arī is substituted in the reduplication, as darīdrishy from drishy, parāsprishy from sprishy.
If a passive base contain fori, this becomes t in the intensive base ; as atste from far (pass. of , “ to do"). If the base begin with a, as in aty (from 2 , “ to wander”), the initial at is repeated, and the radical ā lengthened, thus ațāty.
If the passive base contain a nasal after short a, this nasal is often repeated; as from gam, jan gamy (792, &c.), “ to walk crookedly"; from bhram, bambhramy. The passive bases japy, jalpy, dashy, bhajy, and some others, may insert nasals, instead of lengthening the vowel in the reduplication. Thus janjapy, 8c. Pady inserts nī; as panīpady; and from chary is formed chanchūry; from hany, jeghniy ; from ghrāy, jeghriy; from dhmāy, dedhmiy.
Non-Conjugational Tenses. In these tenses intensives follow the analogy of passives and reject the affix y. Since, however, the base of the second pret. is formed by affixing ām (as usual in all polysyllabic forms, p. 77. g.), and since, in all the other tenses, inserted i is assumed, a coalition of vowels might arise were it not allowed to retain the y in all cases in which a vowel immediately precedes that affix.* Thus, from dedīpy is formed the 2d pret. (1st pers. sing.) dedīpūnchakre, fc. rejecting y; but from dediy, dediyānchakre, &c. retaining it. Similarly in the other tenses : 1st fut. dedīpitāhe, fc.; dedīyitāhe, &c. : 2d fut. dedāpishye, &c., dediyishye, &c. ; 3d pret. adedīpishi, fc., adediyishi, gc.;! bened. dedīpishiya, 8c., dedīyishīya, fc.; cond. adedāpishye, &c., adediyishye, &c.
FORMATION OF THE BASE OF THE PARASMAIPADA FORM OF INTENSIVES.
Conjugational Tenses. 121. The base is here also formed by a reduplication similar to that of ātmanepada intensives; not, however, from the passive, but from the root. Thus from the root pach, pāpach ; from vid, vevid ; from drish, darīdrish; from kri, charīkri.t Moreover, in accordance with the rules for the 2d and 3d conjugation (pp. 69. 70.) the radical vowel requires Guna before the P terminations of the scheme (p. 66.). Hence the two bases veved and vevid (pres. vevedmi, vevetsi, vevetti ; dual, vevidwah, &c. ; 1st pret. avevedam, avevet, avevet, avevidwa, &c.; pot. vevidyām, &c.; imp.
* In passives this coalition of vowels is avoided by the change of a final vowel to Vriddhi, as of chi to chāy, of hu to hāv, and of kri to kār; and by the change of final ū to āy, as of dā to dāy, see r. 113.
† In the par. form of intensive, the reduplication may also be daridrish, charikri, or, according to the general rule dardrish, charkri.
vevedāni, veviddhi, vevettu, vevedāva, vevittam, 8c.). Again, the base will vary in accordance with the rules of combination at p. 67., as in budh (pres. bobodhmi, bobhotsi, boboddhi, bobudhwah, fc.). And in further analogy to the 2d conjugation (r. 92. c.) long ī is often optionally inserted before the consonantal P terminations (pres. vevedīmi, vevedīshi, vevedīti ; dual, vevidwah, fc.; 1st pret. avevedam, avevedih, avevedīt, avevidwa, &c.; imp. vevedāni, veviddhi, vevedītu.).
Lastly, when the root ends in a vowel, the usual changes take place of i and i to y or iy; of u and ū to uv; and of ri to r: as in the roots bhī, bhū, kri (pres. 1st sing. bebhemi, bobhomi, charkarmi ; 3d plur. bebhyati, bobhuvati, charkrati).
Non-Conjugational Tenses. The second preterite follows the usual rule for polysyllabic bases (p. 77.g.), and affixes ām with the auxiliaries. Thus from vid (1st pers. sing.), vevidāmāsa ; from bhī, bebhyāmāsa. In the other tenses, excepting the bened., inserted i is invariably assumed, and before this inserted i a root ending in a vowel forbids the usual Guna change in the futures, but admits Vriddhi in the 3d pret. Thus, 1st fut. (1st sing.) veveditāsmi, &c., bebhyitāsmi, fc.; 2d fut. vevedishyāmi, fc., bebhyishyāmi, &c.; 3d pret. avevedisham, fc., abebhāyişham, fc.; bened. vevidyāsum, fr., bebhiyāsam ; cond. avevedishyam, abebhyishyam. This rejection of Guna is taken from Forster, but admits of question, especially in the case of roots in u or ū.
NOMINALS, OR VERBS DERIVED FROM NOUNS. 122. These are formed by adding certain affixes to the crude of nouns.
They are not in very common use, but, theoretically, there is no limit to their formation. They may be classed under three heads : 1st, transitive nominals, yielding the sense of performing, practising, making or using the thing or quality expressed by the noun; 2d, intransitive nominals, giving a sense of behaving like, becoming like, acting like the person or thing expressed by the noun ; 3d, desiderative nominals, yielding the sense of wishing for the thing expressed by the noun. The latter are rarely found.
The Terminations. a. All the nominal verbs make use of the regular scheme at p. 63.; but it should be observed that they are rarely found conjugated in any other tense than the present.
Formation of the Base of Transitive Nominals. 6. These are formed from nouns in the way that causals are
formed from roots, by the addition of ay to the crude. But the final vowel or final consonant, and preceding vowel of the crude, must be rejected before this affix is annexed. Thus, from vastra,
cloth,” is formed vastray, “to clothe" (3d sing. Therefa vastrayati, “ he clothes "); from varman, “armour," varmay, “to put on armour " (arafat varmayati); from HU, "authority," varurų, “to propose as authority.” Whatever modifications adjectives may undergo before the affixes Tyas and ishtha (p. 47. f.), the same are required before this nominal affix : thus, from dirgha, “long," drāghay, “to lengthen "; from antika, “near," neday, “to make
In the Mitralabha (Prof. Johnson's edition, p. 97.) there is an instance of a nominal verb formed by adding the terminations directly to the noun ; thus, Faith, “I peck," from “ a beak.”
Formation of the Base of Intransitive Nominals. C. The final of the crude of the noun is rejected, as in the last case, and āy affixed. Thus, from pandita, “wise,” panditāy, “to act the part of a wise man " (3d sing. ufisarent); from druma, “a tree,” drumāy, “ to be like a tree" (ghrà); from rājan, “ a king," rājāy, “to act the king " (ufrud). This nominal usually has a neuter or passive signification, and is generally restricted to the ātm. It is found, however, in an active sense, especially when derived from nouns expressive of colour; as, from our , “ to blacken ” (quired)
Formation of the Buse of Desiderative Nominals. d. These are formed by affixing y to the final vowel of a crude noun.
The effect, however, of this affix is to change a final u or ā to ī, to lengthen a final i or U, and to change şi to it. Thus from putra, “ a son,” putrīy, “ to desire a son” (3d sing. yaitufar); from pati,“ a husband,” patīy,“ to desire a husband” (unitara). So also from Hry, hraita; from rājan, rājty (r. 20. f.).
A desiderative nominal verb may also be formed by adding kāmy (derived from kam,“ to desire ") to the crude of nouns : thus from putra, putrakāmy, “to desire a son” (3d sing. gratRifat); or by affixing sy; as from dhana, dhanasy, “ to desire wealth" (धनस्यति).
This is a subject in some respects perhaps the most important that has hitherto engaged our attention. We have endeavoured in the last chapter to show, that however complex the structure of the Sanscrit verb, and however repulsive to the student at the commencement of his studies, this complexity is one rather of theory than practice, and one that hardly extends beyond the pages of the grammar, and is little felt, provided the attention be confined to the earlier and purer specimens of Hindu literature. The cause of this has been shown to be, that the difficulty of the verb expends itself on tenses that are rarely if ever used by the best writers. We are now to show that the necessity for these tenses is superseded by participles, the use of which prevails to an extent wholly unparalleled in any other language, even in the Greek. These participles often discharge the functions of the verb itself, and are constantly found occupying the place of past and future tenses, and more especially those of passive verbs ; insomuch that an instance of a passive in any other tense than the present or imperative rarely occurs. The consideration, therefore, of this portion of our subject bears most closely upon the idiomatic structure of the language; and so prominent a position do these verbal derivatives hold in the construction of sentences and collocation of words, that an accurate knowledge of the mode of their formation and the nature of their duties affords the best insight into the peculiarities of Sanscrit syntax, and elucidates many of the difficulties of idiom in the cognate dialects of India.
It may be desirable to premise that the most important of these participles are not derived immediately from the verb, but from common source with the verb, viz. the root.
The subject, therefore, has not been mixed up with that of verbal inflection,