powers of change have at all times been at work, still it can scarcely be denied, that, with ond exception, no modern age can. come, in competition, for the greatness of its changes, with the one which has passed over our heads. That one-the age of Charles V., marked by the downfal of feudal power-the Reformation, and the discovery of both Indies, scarcely produced so great an alteration in the aspect and frame of society. Long periods have elapsed, in which only the observant eye of the philosopher can trace any sensible change, or the seeds of future revolution. At other times, the waves of conflict and revolution have rolled back and forward in tumultuous succession, yet have finally subsided into a surface nearly as tranquil as at first. Europe has certainly, in its late agitations, presented a sort of cycle, performing its circuit, and returning into itself; but in the course of this revolution, it has left traces much too deep to be ever effaced. The late changes, moreover, differ essentially from those produced by the inhabitants of one part of the globe, conquering, colonizing, and giving their tone and character to another. The movement here was entirely interior-burst forth from its own bosom, and arose therefore from impulses more permanent and more deeply seated. The most prominent change, and the main source of the troubles which have shaken the world, is one which Britain may view with pride, amid all the alarms to which it has given rise. That supreme representative legislature, which, considered by the other nations as essentially and exclusively British, was viewed by them with admiration and wonder, but without hope, is now possessed, expected, or at least eagerly desired, by all continental Europe. The first effort to attain it, shooting so far beyond the mark, leading to such frightful convulsions, and, for some time, to an issue so opposite to its original aim, caused, for some time, a strong revulsion of opinion towards any system that was regular and established. The tempest, however, passed by ; and Europe, on regaining its tranquil attitude, was found throughout imbued with the desire and determination of obtaining representative governments. Ancient power, indeed, has mustered all its energies to repress this rising spirit; and, in some instances, with success. But we may confidently predict, that the attempt to maintain the principles of absolute monarchy, is too contrary to the spirit of the age, to be attended with more than temporary success. Without entering deep into questions of European policy, we may content ourselves with holding it certain, that the period in which the principles of simple monarchy were tranquilly acquiesced in by the nations of Europe, is departed, without any possibility of its ever returning. Another change, closely connected in every way with the above, is the decline of that aristocratic influence and character, which formed the predominant feature in modern European society. Several centuries, indeed, had elapsed since feudal power and privilege had yielded to the su premacy of the Monarch. Still, a lofty sense of honour, a studied po lish of manners, and a paramount importance attached to the distinctions of birth, maintained throughout Europe a privileged order, superior to, and strongly distinguished from, the mass of the people. The importance attached to commerce and the monied interest-the ruin of many great families by reigning profusion-the diffusion of literature, and of a spirit of bold inquiry, shook greatly this ancient veneration for rank, and ren dered more prevalent the habit of considering man as man. But it was the French Revolution which was first seen sweeping away, as with a flood, all the distinctions which had been held sacred in Europe for ages. It is true, the returning tide brought back the fragments, and even the revolutionary dynasty was seen eagerly collecting, and attempting to replace them. In the rest of Europe, the rights and titles of the privileged orders remained untouched, and seemed even to have gained a triumph over the efforts to overthrow them. Still, over all Europe, the foundations of the great aristocratic edifice were permanently loosened. Talents and wealth-the one a higher, the other, perhaps, a meaner distinction, have every where, in the estimation of mankind, supplanted birth and title. Nor does there seem any thing likely to occur, for a long period, which will not tend to confirm and extend the superior sway of these new principles. If we consider the past aspect of Europe in a moral point of view, it is difficult to appreciate an age which has exhibited itself under such various aspects, and shone so prominent, both in virtue and crime. Few ages have been marked by higher displays of heroism and patriotism, or have witnessed more extensive exertions of universal philanthropy. None, on the other hand, have exhibited more daring guilt, and all the darkest powers of the human soul met in fiercer conflict. All the great landmarks of human thought and conduct have been moved from their places; and every one has been left at liberty to follow the impulse which hurried him into the extremes either of good or of evil. If we pass beyond the limits of Europe, we shall find the new world undergoing a change of a different kind, but no less decisive and important. The ages which preceded had seen America trampled beneath the foot of an invading power. Europe had crushed the western world with a yoke of iron; and she still considered her settlements there only as distant plantations, to be administered for the sole behoof of the mother state. In the course of this arrangement, the population of America became European; the manners and habits of Europe-all its arts of war and peace, were diffused over the boundless regions of the new continent. Hence, by degrees, the descendants of the early colonists, born and bred in America, and seeing nothing about them that was not American, lost sight of their ties with the old world. A mother, who exercised her rights only to impose the most degrading fetters, and to make them the devoted instruments of her avarice and ambition, appeared to them to have little claim on filial duty. Yet, as too often happens in such cases, the power which had acted on the mildest and most liberal system, was the first to suffer. England had infused her own liberal spirit and institutions into her Trans-atlantic subjects; hence, exercises of authority that were comparatively mild, excited there a spirit of resistance never roused by the cruel and oppressive despotism, which tyrannized over South America. The distant situation of these states, the rude extent of their territory, and the support of European powers, the jealous rivals of Britain enabled them to establish complete independence. Then was first seen in the new world, and on the spot formerly covered by huts of Indian savages, a great, civilized, and independent empire, possessing resources that will enable her ere long to outrival Europe itself. The emancipation of the Spanish colonies came later, and was worked out with greater difficulty, in consequence of the jealous care with which their chains had been rivetted; still there can be no longer any doubt of its being complete. Indeed, the entire political separation of the two continents is an event which cannot now be at a great distance. Too happy for the powers of Europe if they tranquilly yield to an issue inevitably prepared by the course of human events, and do not again waste their blood and treasure in abortive attempts to counteract them. In the eastern extremity of the globe, a revolution as complete, but very opposite in its character, marked the reign of George III. The most splendid of the empires of Asia, the empire of Sandracottus, of Timur, and of Aurengzebe, an empire containing a hundred millions of men, has been subjected to the absolute sway of a company of merchants, who can reach it only by a navigation of fifteen thousand miles. Yet strange and anomalous as this arrangement appears, it is so strongly supported by the great superiority of energy and character on one side, and on the other by long habits of foreign subjection, that, without some very unforeseen event, it is likely to endure for several generations. If such distant possessions yield any solid benefit, this oriental empire may well compensate Britain for all that she has lost in the occidental regions. Probably, however, the real benefit is not very great; and Britain, when the hour of separation at last comes, may suffer as little as by the loss of her western colonies. While the civilized world, and all the regions connected with it, were shaken by these violent convulsions, Britain enjoyed a deep internal tranquillity. No foreign enemy set foot upon her soil; nor did civil conflict desolate her borders. The changes which took place in her political mind and character were gradual; insensibly springing from her own interior action, and from sympathy with those mightier changes with which all the surrounding nations were shaken. The higher orders lost none of their titles or honours; and their place in the political system was supported by habits and acquirements superior to those possessed by the same rank in other countries. Still, during the present period, there had insensibly taken place a decline of the reverence with which rank and titles were vieweda continually augmenting energy of the popular spirit; and an eagerness, even in the lowest ranks, to obtain an influence in the direction of public affairs. From the Revolution to the commencement of the present reign, all the tendencies to public commotion had been to support the rights of birth and hereditary succession; and the established government had been under no danger, unless from the restoration of a dynasty invested with absolute power. Under George III. this tendency disappeared, and danger arose from an opposite quarter. All the disturbances and alarms felt by the nation, during its lapse, have arisen from the eruptions of the popular spirit; and the only government which it has been ever proposed to substitute for the existing one, has been one consisting, or at least containing a larger portion than now, of democratic elements. Not unconnected probably with this change in public opinion, has been another in the position taken by the crown. William, and the early princes of the house of Hanover, though disposed, like other kings, to push their actual power as far as it would go, yet professed whig principles; those by which alone. they did or could continue to sit on the British throne. After the extinction of the Stuarts, and of all interest in, or favour for, that unfortunate house; and after the dangers which began to arise from a new quarter, its views were likely to undergo a change. Nothing now separated the crown from its natural friends-from those who were disposed to support to the utmost the cause of authority and of hereditary right. This party were now disposed to transfer to the Hanover succession that fealty which their ancestors had felt for the hope less cause of the abdicated race. Perhaps, had there been as deep a root of toryism in the country, as under William, or even under George II., the consequences might have been dangerous to public liberty. But tories, even the most zealous, no longer supported monarchical power with the same blind zeal as their jacobite ancestors. They supported it, not on the principles of divine right and passive obedience, but simply as tending to support the welfare of society, and the place which they themselves held in it. When to this coldness of the supporters of the crown, we add the increased numbers and zeal of those who seek to reduce its prerogative, there seems very little reason to suppose or apprehend any general increase of the regal influ ence. If, from political arrangements, we proceed to public economy and the pursuits of national industry, we shall find the reign of George III. constituting a truly remarkable era. Britain presented then a progress, unparalleled in any other age or nation, either as to its rapidity, or the height which it reached. Science came forth from her closet, and taught the mechanic, with instruments before unknown, to ply the loom and the wheel with tenfold effect. Its instructions, duly seconded by the industry and skill of the British capitalist, produced manufactures that seemed sufficient for the supply of a world. To the old English staples of wood and iron, another was added, which soon eclipsed both, though with materials drawn from an opposite hemisphere. This manufacture, which in a few years converted villages into cities, and covered barren tracts with an immense population, may probably boast a superiority, in regard to the amount of its products, over any ever established in the world. We forbear to make any observations on the stagnation which this, still more than the other branches of industry, has so remarkably experienced; being yet unable to determine whether it is to be ascribed to a permanent decline, or merely to the temporary exhaustion produced by over excitement. The foreign trade of England has been in full proportion to its manufactures; many of which were destined for the supply of the most distant regions. The forced carrying trade of the United States, which it lost by their attainment of independence, has been much more than compensated by the valuable trade of consumption with that flourishing quarter of the world. The carrying trade, which Britain gained during the revolutionary war by the annihilation of rival navies, was not perhaps of so much value as has been supposed. Meantime, the present age has been more peculiarly distinguished by improvements in a different direction. From the fifteenth century downwards, commerce had been the idol before which the nations bowed. Agricultural industry and internal communication were considered as objects humbly useful indeed, but not as those in which the splendour and greatness of a nation consisted. The present age took a sounder view of the subject. Agriculture was at length owned as the grand and solid basis of national prosperity; its advancement became the object of general solicitude; societies for its improvement were instituted, over which the most illustrious personages in the nation made it their pride to preside. In short, with such effect were knowledge, skill, and capital, employed by the farmer, that in the course of this reign, the rents over the kingdom were generally tripled; and in the northern and previously less-improved districts, were raised in a much greater proportion. For reasons already mentioned, we shall say nothing of the existing stagnation, till it shall appear to what extent it is likely to be permanent. We cannot, however, forbear alluding to the vast works undertaken during this period for the promotion of internal trade. Those carried on by government, though very extensive, bear but a very small proportion to the numberless millions expended by private adventurers; so that England may now be considered as rivalling China in this species of improvement, the most valuable and permanent of any. Our limits scarcely admit of considering this age in a literary and intellectual view. A volume would be necessary to do justice to so vast a subject. Suffice it to say, that no period in the history of the world has been witness to more varied or more splendid exertions. In this reign, the muse of history, which had almost slumbered in modern times, and more particularly in England, produced, in Robertson, Hume, and Gibbon, models rivalling the most classic productions of antiquity. Moral and metaphysical science was not new to this country; but it has been amply sup ported by a crowd of great names, of which the northern part of the island contributed a large proportion. The poetic muse, after having produced, in the first part of the reign, only scanty and humble effusions, burst forth latterly in a series of varied and splendid efforts, which have surpassed the age of Anne, and perhaps rivalled the more brilliant one of Elizabeth. In this respect, England is now pre-eminent over the rest of Europe. Mathematical, physical, above all, chemical science, has been distinguished by so many illustrious names and great discoveries, as would have raised England above any other country, had not France, in this one respect, been so very pre-eminent, as perhaps to claim some degree of superiority. But the circumstance, perhaps, which characterizes the present age beyond any other, is the general diffusion of knowledge among all classes of the community. First, ignorance has ceased to be any glory among the classes distinguished by wealth and opulence. Among the gentry of the old school, although it was considered requisite to possess the first elements of education, yet any habit of literary pursuit appeared unsuitable to a man of rank and of the world, and what should be left to those whose special business it was. The same principle was applied still more rigorously to the fairer part of the creation; who, it was supposed, could no longer form the ornament of our societies, or the careful guardians of our household, if their science extended much beyond the kitchen and the drawing-room. The last half century has effaced these prejudices. At present, with respect to both these classes, a certain measure of knowledge is considered indispensable; a much larger as an ornament; and |