Le Vengeur, commanded by Captain Maitland. He immediately began his voyage, big with the fate of Naples. After being detained for two days by a calm off Baiæ, a favourable wind enabled him to reach Leghorn on the

19th. From Leghorn he proceeded to Florence, where he arrived on the 28th.

At this critical moment closes the year 1820. Our next Volume will narrate the final catastrophe.

THE Congress, for organizing the Germanic Confederation and the Diet which was to direct its movements, of which the great powers had procured the assemblage at Vienna, after six months of deliberation, produced, on the 17th May, 1820, their final act. To maintain peace in the interior of the Confederation, and to defend it against foreign oppression, are stated as the two main objects in forming it. The first again divides itself into two branches; the maintenance of peace between state and state, and the maintenance of peace in the interior of states.

When differences arise between states which are members of the Confederation, the Diet is first to recommend to them some mode of agreement or of arbitration among themselves. If this fails, it is to appoint a commission to treat between the parties, and endeavour to bring them to a good understanding. Should this also fail, the question is referred to tribunals, formed in bordering neutral states, whose decisions are to be enforced by the Diet.

With regard to the internal concerns of states, it is admitted as a general principle, that the Diet is not

competent to interpose. There were certain grounds of interference, however, to which the great monarchical states eagerly looked, as the means of maintaining their own security. In the case of formal resistance, and, still more, of revolt, the Diet may interpose, either upon formal application from the head of the state, or spontaneously, in case the latter is not in a condition to apply. Should there also exist in the heart of several confederate states, associations or combinations dangerous to the general safety, the Diet is authorised to concert with the heads of these states the means of suppressing such machinations. This article was not without a special regard to the actual circumstances of Germany.

The question relative to the internal constitution of the German states, was treated of with very peculiar interest. Austria declared herself openly against all those changes which included any popular elements, and had used her utmost efforts to obstruct the constitutions of this description, which had been formed in the southern states. On the other hand, the constitutional system, within certain limits, was supported, not only by

many members of the Confederation, but by the powerful influence of the Emperor of Russia. Austria was therefore obliged, in a certain degree, to yield. It was declared, that there ought to be assemblies of States in every country belonging to the Confederation, and that the Diet should take care that this principle was carried into effect. They were not, however, to interfere in regard to the form of government which might be established. Existing constitutions were guaranteed, or at least care was to be taken that they should only be changed in a constitutional manner. It was, however, provided, that in the states ruled by sovereign princes, as were most of those belonging to the Confederation, the whole sovereign power should remain united in the head of the government, a principle which might evidently admit of being pushed rather too far. It was also stipulated, that nothing in the interior constitution of a state should obstruct the monarch in the execution of the duties imposed upon him by the federative union. The liberty of the press also, in the countries where it was allowed, was to be so regulated, as not to interrupt the security of the neighbouring

states.

In regard to nations without the pale of the Confederation, the Diet was to have defensive measures only in view. For this purpose, it had power to declare war, to make peace, to contract alliances, and negociate treaties of every kind. The negociations were to be entrusted to a committee, which was to name plenipotentiaries for the purpose of carrying them on. When war had been declared by the Diet, no single power could enter into treaty with the enemy. The Confederation were to defend any one of their members which was injured or attacked by an extraneous power; but they were to take

particular care that the member himself had not, by his own blame, involved himself in the quarrel. That the Confederation might duly execute its functions, the fortresses of Mentz, Landau, and Luxemburg, were put into its hands, but Wirtemberg obtained an abandonment of the plan for adding Ulm to this number.

The Congress of Vienna had appointed a commission, to consider the means of removing those obstructions to the free navigation of the Rhine, which arose from the variety of different states through whose territories it passed. The chief obstacle arose from the kingdom of the Netherlands, which commanded all the mouths of the river, and being able to impose what duties it pleased upon goods coming down, before they could reach the ocean, rendered nugatory the taking off those levied in the upper part of its course. The refusal of this power to enter into any engagement upon the subject, furnished a pretence to the King of Prussia to impose additional duties of transit at Cologne, and to decline acceding to the system, unless it could be rendered complete. Thus the whole of this useful project proved finally

abortive.

The prohibitory commercial system, for which there was such a rage in Europe, was not, in its pernicious effects, so immediately felt by those countries, whose extent afforded them the means of a great internal trade. But in the small states of Germany, it paralysed almost entirely every branch of national industry. With this view, a commercial Congress, under the auspices of the Diet, had been formed. Bavaria, Wirtemberg, Baden, Hesse, Saxony, and some other states, united for the purpose of arranging free intercourse among themselves, and thus obtaining the advantages, at least, of a great state. The Congress having

met at Darmstadt, drew up an act of union, by which interior customs were abolished, and one uniform system of duties on the frontiers of the Confederations imposed. Prohibitory duties were only adopted, even against foreign states, when these last excluded the productions of the soil and industry of Germany. When this excellent proposal was referred to the Diet, that body, instead of welcoming it according to its merits, declared that the subject was so important and so complicated, that they required an exact knowledge of the obstacles presented by the various interests concerned; and all they did at present was to demand from the different States an enumeration of the various duties levied by them on foreign commodities. By this empty and dilatory measure, the benefits which might have resulted to the German states, from the adoption of so excellent a system, were postponed to an indefinite period.

Considerable attention was attracted during this year by the proceedings of the Constitutional States of Germany. In Bavaria, indeed, no assembly was held, and its history is not distinguished by any events of importance. In Wirtemberg, the States met on the 20th January, and were opened with warm expressions of mutual confidence between the Prince and the people. On the subject of the finances, a species of contest arose. A party in the Second Chamber, or that of the Commons, called for an account of the manner in which the former revenue had been employed. The ministers replied, that as this was not customary under the former arbitrary regime, they were not prepared to render it for the past; they solicited merely the vote of the existing taxes for the rest of the present year. After very warm debates of several days, the vote was carried by a majo

rity of nineteen; but when the question was carried to the First, or Upper Chamber, an evasive vote was passed on the subject. Hereupon, sharp discussions arose between the two Chambers, which were only terminated by the Commons insisting, that, according to a provision made by the constitution, the votes of the two Chambers should be counted together. The result of this process was the acceptance of the ministers' proposition. Ministers carried also, by a large majority, the vote of 3300 soldiers, which some wished to reduce to 2300. The States, however, solicited changes in the distribution of the taxes, in their mode of collection, as well as reform and reduction in the appointments of public functionaries. These representations were received by the King in a manner perfectly gracious. The revenue for the preceding year had amounted to ten millions of florins, which, however, was half a million short of the expenditure.

The Chambers adjourned on the 20th June, and met again on the 2d December, chiefly with the view of fixing the triennial budget. A serious dissension, however, arose, in consequence of that class of nobles, who were called Mediatised, refusing to attend, unless certain privileges which they demanded, were granted to them. The consequence was, that the number actually present in the Upper Chamber fell short of that required by law, to entitle them to deliberate. After waiting some time in vain for a fuller attendance, the Commons proceeded to business, in hopes of terrifying the absentees, by shewing them that legislative measures could be carried on without them. The latter, however, stood firm; and the King, unwilling to see the matter pushed to extremities, prorogued the

States on the 19th till the 22d of January, in hopes, before that time, of arranging the difference amicably.

The States of Baden also met on the 25th June. The formerly prevailing agitation inspired an apprehension that its debates might be stormy. In fact, on the very threshold, a serious question arose. Several of the deputies, who had taken the most active part against the government in the former session, were not present; a circumstance which was soon understood to be caused by the want of letters of convocation from the King, which they had in vain solicited. It was evident, that representation would soon be a mere form, if such a practice were admitted. The ministers urged, that these members had public functions to fulfil, which would suffer by their absence. Finding, however, that the sentiments of the assembly were loudly declared against the measure, they endeavoured to temporize, by proposing, that, whenever the choice of the electors should fall upon a public functionary, a supplementary member should be elected, whom the government might have it in their choice to call to the Chamber. As this proposition, however, was also exceedingly ill received, ministers at length gave up the measure entirely, and announced, that the absent members would receive their letters of convocation. After this, the session passed in the most harmonious manner, and a number of useful laws were enacted.

The duchy of Baden was this year the theatre of the execution of Sand, the assassin of Kotzebue. It took place on the 20th May, in consequence of the sentence of the tribunal of Manheim, and in the neighbourhood of that city. This extraordinary fanatic continued to gild his crime by the display of a species of heroism. His whole behaviour exhibited the

triumphant resignation of a martyr; and he declared, with his last breath, that he died for his country. A crowd of students being expected from Heidelberg, the execution was made to take place earlier than the hour appointed. When the students arrived, the head was already severed from the body, but many of them eagerly dipped their handkerchiefs in the blood.

The territory of Hesse Darmstadt was the theatre of more striking events, this year being marked by the first establishment of a constitutional regime. The call for it had been loud, and had been accompanied even with tendencies to disorder, which the Grand Duke studied to repress by those severe measures which were so strongly supported by the great powers. At length, however, he determined to redeem the pledge which he had given with peculiar solemnity. On the 24th March, 1820, an edict was published, containing the scheme of the new constitution. The Chambers were indeed composed on a basis nearly similar to that which had been adopted in Bavaria and Baden: but many modifications were introduced, not at all calculated to satisfy the friends of constitutional freedom. If the states should reject the budget, the King was still allowed to levy the taxes during a year, and could call a new assembly, which might be more compliant. A project presented by the King was to have the force of law, provided any one of the two Chambers approved it. The right of petition was restricted within the narrowest limits; while no provision was made for individual liberty, the freedom of the press, or religious toleration.

There soon appeared throughout the principality a fixed determination to resist the acceptance of such a constitution. Several districts refused to exercise the functions of election at