amendment. "We must reject altogether this law of lies. Think, gentlemen, what will happen at the approaching era, when a faction, having obtained the superiority in this Chamber, will dispose, without distinction, and without division, of the ministers, of the treasure, of the armed force. Do you believe that any acquired right will be sacred to those, who have property, or at least copious indemnifications to recover, and a political system to rebuild? Do you believe that the wisest, even among them, will govern the rest? Even should they wish to-day only do mination, they will wish counter-revolution to-morrow. A moment comes, when it is no longer possible to avoid plunging into the abyss. The aristocracy may, however, be told, that if its plots are violent, the resistance will also be terrible. The colleges of arrondissement will be opposed to the departmental colleges; the majority to the minority; the men of the nation to the men of privilege. Two nations, two camps, two banners, will be the fruit of this law.

"Let us stop, gentlemen, while it is yet time. We who wish no charter but the charter, no king but the King, let us stop, and save the King and the charter. Let us guard that electoral law, to which the people are passionately attached. Let us bring our other institutions into harmony with it. Woe to you, woe to the country, if, rebelling against the decrees of destiny, you attempt to separate political power from moral power and material force. To rest the throne upon the aristocracy, is to set on foot a revolution, to irritate the nation, to betray at once the people and the throne."

Among the numerous orators who followed on the same side, Francais de Nantes reprobated a system which would subject the destinies of twentyeight millions of men to a majority of eighteen thousand, or, more strictly

VOL. XIII. PART I.

speaking, nine thousand three hundred, who, having once counted their votes, and felt their strength, would remain. masters of the ground, would dismiss ministers, would exclude from the Chambers all who did not follow their banners, till the royal power, resting itself upon the people, as it has done in France since Louis le Gros, should reduce the turbulence of these great newly-created vassals, and deliver the country from their oppression. M. Ternaux rejected a system which would tend to establish in the Chamber of Deputies an aristocracy that would rule the Chamber of Peers, and would soon degenerate into an oligarchy. He observed, that at this moment the 10,000 eligible persons did not possess a fifth part of the heritable property of France; and comprehending even those whom they represented, they did not pay the sixth part of the land-tax, which yet formed only a third of the whole contributions. Thus the electors and eligible did not pay the fortieth part of the contributions, and yet all the rest of the French consented not to exercise the right of election. Could it be said after this, that the great proprietors had not influence sufficient, and did not this measure tend to sacrifice entirely the interest of the middle proprietors?

The project, on the other hand, was warmly opposed by M. de Bourdonnaye, who held a high rank among the royalist leaders. He regretted that the law should not have been placed by the charter in a complete state, and should have been left at all as a subject of discussion to the Chambers themselves. "Hence arises a changing and uncertain system; hence the continual danger of seeing the benefit of the restoration and the charter destroyed by separate laws. Parties have shewn themselves skilful to profit of this defect in our constitution. They know how easily an organic law can change the nature of government, and they wait only for a

R

Chamber devoted to their cause, to erect upon the ruins of the constitutional monarchy, either the modest chair of a new Washington, or the bloody throne of a military usurper. Terrified at the view of a regicide sent as a deputy into this Chamber, genuine public opinion is alarmed, equally at principles and consequences. It shrinks at the view of a law of election, which, not content with sending a regicide, was capable of procuring him defenders among our number. It is necessary to modify this law, because the factious are struggling to defend one, which gives the greatest influence to the lowest class of proprietors, the class least attached to the soil. How, in fact, could it be so, since the members of it not finding in the rents of their property the means of subsistence, and not applying themselves to cultivation, must quit the paternal roof, and betake themselves to branches of indus try, which tend to make them mere citizens of the world? The present project restores to the great proprietors a portion of the influence, of which the existing law deprives them. Yet it is vicious in many respects, particularly by giving to the colleges of arrondissement the nomination of all the candidates, and leaving to the great proprietors the mere right of exclusion. The law will be complete and durable, only when the power of voting shall be confined to a determinate number of electors, chosen among those of largest property. A regular system of attack is carried on against the legitimate dynasty. High plans of ambition arrested in their course; great hopes baffled, have formed an alliance with that political fanaticism which always subsists; which, timid at first, shook finally the foundations of the throne, and will soon destroy them. At Lyons, as at Grenoble, it was struck down, but not destroyed; it rises bolder than ever, and threatens the conquerors. It accuses

fidelity, insults virtue, and laughs at oaths. Every day you see the renewal of its murderous attempts. Entrenched in the law of elections, as in its last hold, resolved to conquer or die, it redoubles its efforts, and imposes on us the necessity of redoubling ours. The question is no longer about shades of opinion, it is to be, or not to be."

Baron Pasquier, taking another tone, defended the law as actually proposed. "We must have the courage," said he, "to banish from the representation opinions, always changing like the passions which are their source; we must fix it upon the principle of the real and permanent interests of society. We must have the courage to renounce that principle of uniformity in elections, which is any thing rather than a just representation of social interests, so diverse in their nature. The certain result of the system of uniformity is to oppose no obstacle to any wind that blows; and as tempests must always arise, that threaten to shake the political edifice, it is the wisdom of the legislator to seek a remedy which may weaken this action. Such is the object of election by two classes, and the benefit which may arise from it. We have been accused of wishing to create an aristocracy; what do I say? an oligarchy. Neither is to be feared. Fifteen or sixteen thousand Frenchmen, who would constitute the second degree of election, would not constitute an oligarchy, not even an aristocracy. Aristocracy is not constituted by the mere will of the legislator; it requires time, and much time, to establish it. It requires not only power, but the hereditary possession of power; and how could this be feared, when the sub-division of fortunes carried among us almost to infinity, opposes an infinite obstacle to the creation of wealth, that primary element of aristocratic power. Nomination by two classes possesses advantages which have not yet been perceived.

The appointment of the candidates affords the means of distinguishing in each arrondissement, the men who may aspire to the honour of sitting in this Chamber. It will have the effect of informing the government itself of those whom their fellow-citizens judge most worthy to fill public functions. What would happen, if the law of the 5th February subsisted? The privilege, of which so formidable a picture has been drawn, might then reign in effect, and, I confess, would not be long of becoming bloody. But this is not the privilege with which we are threatened. It would be that of men trained in the principles of a liberty which I do not fear to call despotism, and whose mind is exalted by a species of fever, which I would wish not to call revolutionary. With them the history of our misfortunes would soon begin afresh. On the other side, what ground have we for apprehension. A party which would wish to revive extinguished rights, to injure acquired rights, to overthrow the constitutional system established by the charter, would fail in this enterprize, unless it were strong enough to make a new revolution; but as to the power of making such a revolution, ask your consciences, and say in what part of France it resides."

On the 25th May, after ten days of debate, only a third part of the orators inscribed had spoken; but as all the arguments on both sides seemed exhausted, and the mind of every one made up, the assembly used the power which it has reserved in its hands, of closing a debate, the continuance of which it considers unnecessary. There remained still the detailed examination of the clauses. The only important amendment was one moved by Camille Jourdan, which went to do away with the whole principle of the new law. Af. ter a warm debate, it was negatived by a majority of 10 (133 to 123.) The

whole assembly were present except a single member, detained by illness. This victory, however narrow, was considered as deciding the question of the principle of election. Accordingly, on the 3d June, the first article, which established the basis of the new law, was decided by a majority of 5 (130 to 125.)

The intelligence of this vote, when communicated to the public, brought on a crisis, which for some time past had been gradually threatening. Various circumstances had combined to put Paris in a ferment. On the night of the 28th April, a bomb-shell was discharged under the windows of the Duchess of Berry, with a very loud detonation; the object of which was suspected to be that of causing the abortion of the Princess. The person concerned, however, made his escape: but on the night of the 6th May, he was found on the same spot, preparing one of greater dimensions. He proved to be an ex-officer of the name of Gra vier, a deformed little man. He pretended to have merely wished to amuse himself by giving a false alarm to the royal guards posted there; but when the piece was examined, it was found wrapped in papers, on which seditious verses were written. Several of his comrades were arrested during the night, among whom similar instruments were found. He and an associate of the name of Bouton were brought to trial, and condemned to death, which sentence, however, at the intercession of the Duchess, was com muted into that of hard labour for life.

An incident so serious, joined to the discussions in the Chamber, and various reports of a sinister nature that were industriously circulated, produced an extraordinary fermentation, both in Paris and the departments. "The Duke d'Angouleme, in a journey

which he undertook through France, was everywhere received with cries of Vive la Charte! an expression which was understood to import a decided hostility against the constitutional changes in contemplation. In the course of the debates on the law of elections, the liberal deputies were escorted home by crowds of people, raising the same exclamation. It was not, however, till the passing of the first article of the law of elections, that the tumults rose to any alarming height. The crowd collected on that day far surpassed any former assemblage. In France, and, generally, on the continent, the most active personages on these occasions are the students, who almost universally support the principles of liberty, not only in words, but in deeds. Of them the crowd which blocked up the door of the Chambers after this critical vote, was chiefly composed. Another party, who were afterwards understood to be in a great measure composed of guard soldiers, dressed as citizens, and armed with large canes, raised loud cries of Vive le Roi. Amid so violent a collision of sentiments, quarrels were not long of arising, which from words came to blows; and the tumult quickly rose to a great height. Detachments of gen-d'armerie, and even of the Royal Guard, were called in: they at first dispersed the rioters without difficulty; but in the midst of the tumult, one of the Guard soldiers fired a musket, which struck a young student of the name of Lallemand, who was carried home, and died in two hours.

This disastrous event redoubled the agitation which already prevailed throughout Paris. Placards were fixed on the walls of the different schools, inviting the youths to assemble, and take vengeance. The stormy debates expected in the Chamber of Deputies, and the approaching trial of Louvel in

the Peers, rendered the prospect more critical. The Guards, rendered odious by the catastrophe of Lallemand, were withdrawn ; but all the gen-d'armerie were called out, and the troops in and near Paris were held in readiness to march at a moment's warning. The sitting of the Chamber almost resembled that of the Convention, during the most stormy periods of the Revolution. This similarity was alluded to by Camille Jordan, who was the first speaker." At that time," he said,

the authors of the insults on the national representation were chiefly men covered with rags, drawn from the dregs of the people. Yet even then the insults never rose to such a height as now, when well-dressed men, armed with canes, used violence to compel others to join with them in crying Vive le Roi. All these men came from the same place, were guided by the same chiefs, obeyed the impulse of the same agents. Every one might see that these excesses had not been sufficiently checked. I do not blame the authorities," said he;" they were struck with terror; they feared to find powerful men among the guilty." At the same time M. Lafitte presented a letter from the father of Lallemand, stating that his son had been guilty of no violence, but was walking peaceably, and unarmed, when he received the fatal blow.

In reply to these charges, the Keeper of the Seals imputed the troubles to the giddiness of a few rash and impru dent young men, who had seized this opportunity of raising a disturbance. To have surrounded the Chambers with a great military force, on account of the first slight disturbances, would have been to raise an indiscreet alarm; it would have had the appearance even of imposing a restraint on their deliberations. When a great crowd is assembled, and parties are heated, it was impossible to prevent deeds of

violence, unless by the means which were employed now, but which could only be justified by some event shew. ing their necessity. With regard to the complaint, that the Deputies had not experienced sufficient protection, that was the fault of the agents of police. Government would institute an inquiry into this subject; all complaints would be received, and even invited, and justice would be administered with the utmost rigour.

Notwithstanding these explanations, Manuel and Benjamin Constant called loudly for an inquiry into the events of the past day, declaring that the violence had been all on the side of the royalists; they insisted, therefore, that the Chambers were not free to deliberate. Even M. Courvoisier main tained the other side only by saying, that they ought to deliberate, "were it beneath the poniard." The left side, according to the principle laid down, took no part in the vote closing the discussion.

Placards on this day had invited the students to assemble for the purposes of vengeance. No movement, however, took place till the evening, when a body of young men, amounting to 5 or 6000, marching two abreast, and armed with large canes, traversed the streets, having their number swelled by a vast crowd of spectators. Attempts were made to disperse them with the foot gen-d'armerie, but they always formed afresh, amid cries of Vive le Roi! vive la Charte! At length, being charged by the horse gen-d'armes, and by a squadron of dragoons, they dispersed without resistance. Many had their canes wrest ed from them, and about thirty-five or forty were arrested.

At the meeting of the following day, Benjamin Constant loudly proclaimed that the freedom of debate was more than ever subverted. The Moniteur had said nothing of the faction which,

amid cries of Vive le Roi! assassinated peaceable citizens, while the youths who raised the laudable cry of Vive le Roi! Vive la Charte! were the object of its invective. A violent faction had committed the most criminal outrages to silence those cries, which are the interpreters of our dearest sentiments. It was time that public opinion should put down those lying declarations which sought to calumniate those admirable youths, who loved at once their King and the charter, who prepared an enlightened and independent generation, of whom we might boast in the face of Europe.

To these charges, the Keeper of the Seals replied, that a legal prohibition by the prefect of police against numerous assemblages, was fully justified by the events of the preceding day. The last speaker, therefore, apologizing for the events of yesterday, had made at first the apology of sedition. The crowd resisted all the injunctions. made to them by the police; they resisted the moderate action of the gend'armerie; to make them yield, it was necessary to introduce regular troops. (a cry from the left, " It was necessary to kill them.") "No, gentlemen, no one was killed; but for the maintenance of the laws, and the public safety, the authority of the King prevailed. Every forbearance compatible with public order was observed. It was only after two hours of useless efforts made by the ordinary police and gen-d'armerie, that the regular troops were called in. It is swelling greatly the waves of sedition to say, that 40,000 men were ever assembled; the fourth part of that number was never united at any one point."

Some of these facts were strenuous. ly contradicted from the opposite side, but notwithstanding their protests that the Chamber was in no state to deliberate with freedom, the consideration of the law of elections was resumed. This day was the era of a memorable