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ply, which was followed by a few explanatory observations from Lord Castlereagh.

The vote, after many loud calls, was now taken, when there appeared,

For the original motion, . 394 Against it, 124

Majority for the resolution, 267

On the same day, the House of Lords, with a good deal of dissatis faction, agreed to defer the sitting of the Committee till Tuesday next.

On the following evening, an explanation was given by Mr Brougham, from which it appeared, that the Queen, immediately on being informed of the omission of her name in the Liturgy, had addressed a complaint on the subject to one of his Majesty's ministers.

After the passing of the resolution in the House of Commons, Mr Wil berforce, Sir T. Acland, Mr Bankes, and Mr Stuart Wortley, were appointed, as a deputation, to wait upon the Queen and present it to her. The expectation of this event excited an extraordinary interest in the public mind, and all the streets border ing on her Majesty's residence were crowded to excess. The disposition shewn by this multitude was such as altogether tended to confirm her Majesty in the resolution which she was supposed already to have formed. As the carriages conveying the members of the deputation appeared, hooting and hissing, with cries of "No address," were raised to a great extent. The four gentlemen having alighted, were received by the Queen in the drawing-room, with Mr Brougham and Mr Denman on each side, and attended by Lady Anne Hamilton. The members having knelt, and kissed her Majesty's hand, Mr

Wilberforce read the resolution of the House. The Queen then returned the following answer :—

"I am bound to receive with gratitude any attempt on the part of the House of Commons to interpose its high mediation, for the purpose of healing those unhappy differences in the Royal Family, which no person has so much reason to deplore as myself. And with perfect truth I can declare, that an entire reconcilement of those differences, effected by the authority of Parliament, on principles consistent with the honour and dignity of all the parties, is still the object dearest to my heart.

"I cannot refrain from expressing my deep sense of the affectionate language of these resolutions; it shews the House of Commons to be the faithful representative of that generous people, to whom I owe a debt of gratitude that can never be repaid.

"I am sensible, too, that I expose myself to the risk of displeasing those who may soon be the judges of my conduct; but I trust to their candour, and their sense of honour, confident that they will enter into the feelings which alone influence my determination.

"It would ill become me to question the power of Parliament, or the mode in which it may at any time be exercised; but, however strongly I may feel the necessity of submitting to its authority, the question whether I will make myself a party to any measure proposed must be decided by my own feelings and conscience, and by them alone. As a subject of the state, I shall bow with deference -if possible, without a murmur-to every act of the sovereign authority; but, as an accused and injured Queen, I owe it to the King, myself, and all my fellow-subjects, not to consent to the sacrifice of any essential privilege,

or withdraw my appeal to those principles of public justice, which are alike the safe-guard of the highest and the humblest individual."

The deputation, having received this reply, made their obeisance and retired; while the multitude, on receiving notice of what had passed, testified their concurrence by the loudest acclamations.

Such was the unfortunate issue of this attempt, made with the best intentions, to avert the evils impending upon the House and the public from this inquiry. We do not hesitate to say, after considering all the circumstances and issues, that the Queen would have acted a wise part in seizing this opportunity of retiring, with a good grace, from the conflict. Still we question whether the plan of pacification adopted was altogether happy or promising. It should seem, according to the views already given, that the other side was the quarter to which Parliament might most naturally have looked to close the contest, either by arbitration or concession. The Parliament is constitutionally the King's great council; and this

original right was greatly strengthened by his Majesty's having voluntarily come down, and thrown himself upon their judgment. To him, therefore, advice could be tendered with the very best possible grace; while the offering it to the other party, was going out of the regular course of Parliament, and not very compatible with its dignity. What was still more important, counsel addressed to the regular quarter would have been all but imperative; while in the other case, its acceptance depended upon the will, perhaps capricious, of an individual, from whom they had no room to expect the exercise of any peculiar discretion. The resolution might equally, in this case as in the other, have given it to be understood, that the concession was asked merely for the sake of peace, and did not imply any sacrifice or change of opinion. Its success, we think, can scarcely be doubted, especially as there could be little anxiety to open a cause in the face of such a torrent of popular opinion, the impossibility of stemming which, by almost any proof or process, must have been already foreseen.

CHAPTER VII.

TRIAL OF THE QUEEN.

Remonstrances against the Mode of Proceeding.-Report of the Lords Committee. -Bill of Penalties.-Discussions respecting it.-Preliminary Questions.— Opening of the Trial.-Evidence against the Queen.-Pleadings.-Evidence in Defence of the Queen.-Pleadings.-Debates in the House of Lords.-The Bill carried.Withdrawn.

EVERY effort to adjust amicably the differences in the Royal House, and to avert a full inquiry into this painful subject, having thus proved abortive, nothing remained but to proceed in the course which had been already marked out. Before, however, the secret committee began its operation, the Queen interposed a remonstrance against the mode of investigation employed. She drew up a petition in the following terms:

To the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament Assembled.

"CAROLINE R.

"The Queen, having been informed that proceedings are about to be instituted against her in the House of Lords, feels it necessary to approach your Lordships as a petitioner and a fellow-subject. She is advised that, according to the forms of your Lordships' House, no other mode of communication is permitted.

"Now, as at all times, she declares her perfect readiness to meet every charge affecting her honour; and she

challenges the most complete investigation of her conduct; but she protests, in the first place, against any secret inquiry: and if the House of Lords should, notwithstanding, persist in a proceeding so contrary to every principle of justice and of law, she must in the next place declare, that, even from such an unconstitutional course, she can have nothing to apprehend, unless it be instituted before the arrival of those witnesses whom she will summon immediately to expose the whole of the machinations against her. She is anxious that there should now be no delay whatever in finishing the inquiry; and none shall be occasioned by her Majesty. But the Queen cannot suppose that the House of Lords will commit so crying an injustice as to authorize a secret examination of her conduct, in the absence of herself and her coun sel, while her defence must obviously rest upon evidence, which for some weeks cannot reach this country. The instant that it arrives, she will entreat the House of Lords to proceed in any way they may think consistent with

the ends of justice; but in the mean time, and before the first step is taken, her Majesty desires to be heard by her counsel at your Lordships' bar, this day, upon the subject matter of this petition."

This petition was first tendered to the Chancellor, who was requested to present it to the House of Peers. The application to a channel so hostile, seems not much to be approved, since it would scarcely have any other object than the awkward situation in which it placed that great functionary. Perhaps, however, the Chancellor rather committed himself when he declined to do what is usually considered as a duty incumbent on any member of the House. The petition was, therefore, on the 26th June, presented by Lord Dacre, who, animadverting on the Chancellor's refusal, stated, that he himself never had the slightest communication with the Queen, but was merely performing what he conceived a duty to a person under accusation. The Chancellor observed, that having only three minutes to consider of the application, it had occurred to him, that he was the last person in the House by whom this petition ought to be presented; and he had found no precedent in the Journals for such a proceeding. At the same time, he declared to their lordships, and was ready to declare in the face of the whole world, that he would rather suffer death than admit any abatement of the principle, that a person accused is not therefore to be considered guilty.

Lords Grey, Holland, and Lansdowne insisted, that there was nothing in the situation of the noble and learned Lord which made any distinction between him and other members of the House, or exempted him from any of the duties incumbent upon them.

Lord Liverpool urged, that any in

dividual peer might have particular and personal motives for declining to present a petition. This was admitted, provided the motive were not taken from consideration of the place where he sat. The Chancellor declared, that he would never hesitate to present a petition from the highest or the lowest in the land, provided he thought it consistent with his duty to the House.

After these prolegomena, the petition was read, and it was agreed, that Mr Brougham should be heard in support of it.

Mr Brougham stated, that nothing could be farther from the intention of her Majesty, than to ask for delay, in the accustomed and vulgar sense of that word. She asked for no delay of the prosecution; she asked for no delay of judgment, because she was conscious that she was innocent, and because she knew that their Lordships were just; but she asked for delay, because she knew that all the forms of law and justice would be set at defiance if they refused to listen to her petition, and proceeded to try her on the ex parte statements of her enemies. What the charges themselves were— by what testimony they were supported-who the base tools were who lent themselves to procure, collect, and arrange them-how they were scraped together-by whose influence they were conjured up, he could not tell; but it was enough for him to know this, that be it creditable to the collector, or be it odious and disgraceful to the collector and the witnesses, it went to affect the character, and to impeach the conduct of her Majesty, for something that was alleged to have been done abroad. Now, it was known to their Lordships, that her Majesty had resided for the last five years at a great distance from this country; that she had lived beyond the Alps and the Appenines, and that it was physically

impossible for her to procure the production of a single document, the presence of a single witness, or even the answer to a single letter, that might be necessary for the vindication of her character, in less than five or six weeks. Unless, therefore, the necessary time were allowed, her Majesty could have no means of defence, and might as well be condemned without the formalities of trial. When an English woman was accused, no foreigner must be admitted as an evidence against her none whose principles hung on them by a loose tenurenone who denied the obligation of an oath; she had an opportunity of knowing the witnesses against her, and she could compel the attendance of those who could give testimony in her favour. Her Majesty possessed none of those advantages; she was discountenanced by all the authorities, both at home and abroad; she had to meet all that bribery, all that force, all that malignity could collect and array against her. He would ask their Lordships if they could doubt that her Majesty was conscious of her innocence, and fearless of the result, when, under such circumstances as these, she called on her law officers to go on, and demand ed no delay of the proceedings. It was his duty, however, to guard her against the dangers into which she might be led by this intrepid consciousness of innocence. It was impossible that the advocate could do his duty without full communication with his own witnesses, and without an opportunity of knowing the witnesses on the opposite side, He assumed, with great humility, that their Lordships would at least allow her Majesty a few months to bring forward her witnesses. He supposed that there was not an English tribunal-not even a Milan tribunal that would deny an accused party some opportunity of de

fence. How unfair, that before this time, the invisible tribunal-he begged pardon, the secret committee, should have pronounced sentence, her name have been blackened all over Europe, and an unfavourable impression produced for a great length of time. These reasons, he urged, were conclusive against any secret investigation, and for delaying the commencement of the trial in any shape, for the space of two months.

Mr Denman followed on the same side, and strongly urged similar arguments. In what situation would her Majesty be placed, after the report of the secret committee? A committee of fifteen of the most distinguished peers of that House, whose minds had been impressed by the contents of this bill, were to pause for a time on these impressions, and then to sit in judgment on her Majesty's character, her honour, and perhaps her life. How was it possible for the most honourable mind to divest itself of prejudices so impressed? In such circumstances, how great was the likelihood of worthless characters furnishing such evidence as they might deem to be acceptable? It was enough to rouse suspicion, that the desire to receive such testimony was known to exist. There was a peculiar call in such circumstances, to allow every means of guarding against the dangers of subornation.

Mr Williams began on the same side, but was stopped by the Chancellor, who observed, that it was not customary for more than two counsel to be heard in support of a petition,

This proceeding was followed next day by Earl Grey, with a motion for doing away with the Secret Committee, and for proceeding by open investigation. It did not appear to him that there were any precedents exactly applicable to the present case; and, if they were, they might have taken

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