PROP

OF THE

W-YORK TYLERA

THE first important event which diversified the present year, was one which, even as occurring to an individual long since dead to himself and to the world, caused a deep emotion in the public mind. For many years, the monthly bulletins had continued regularly to announce, that his Majesty was in good health and spirits, but that his disorder continued unabated. The public having ceased to read these bulletins, it had scarcely been observed that the last one had stated some change to have taken place. It burst, therefore, as a complete surprise upon the nation, when an official bulletin announced the extinction of all that yet survived of this aged and revered Monarch. Small as this event now was, it awakened in every thinking mind a crowd of interesting and solemn recollections. All the ideas of royalty and of kingly power, as originally formed in the mind of almost every Briton now li

ving, had been intimately associated with the name and person of George III. All the revolutions which, during more than half a century, had agitated the world, and changed its aspect; wonderful mutations in the external and internal state of the empire-in its relations with the neighbouring states, and with all the rest of the world;-a new tone infused into human thought, and into the whole frame of society ;-these were the objects which at once presented themselves, on comparing the commencement with the close of this long reign. The train of contemplation into which we are thus drawn, divides itself naturally into two leading branches-the age, and the character, of George III.

It has been said, that every age considers the events which have distinguished it, as more wonderful than any other. Admitting fully this proneness to exaggeration, and that the

powers of change have at all times been at work, still it can scarcely be denied, that, with one exception, no modern age can come in competition, for the greatness of its changes, with the one which has passed over our heads. That one-the age of Charles V., marked by the downfal of feudal power-the Reformation, and the discovery of both Indies, scarcely produced so great an alteration in the aspect and frame of society. Long periods have elapsed, in which only the observant eye of the philosopher can trace any sensible change, or the seeds of future revolution. At other times, the waves of conflict and revolution have rolled back and forward in tumultuous succession, yet have finally subsided into a surface nearly as tranquil as at first. Europe has certainly, in its late agitations, presented a sort of cycle, performing its circuit, and returning into itself; but in the course of this revolution, it has left traces much too deep to be ever effaced. The late changes, more over, differ essentially from those produced by the inhabitants of one part of the globe, conquering, colonizing, and giving their tone and character to another. The movement here was entirely interior-burst forth from its own bosom, and arose therefore from impulses more permanent and more deeply seated.

The most prominent change, and the main source of the troubles which have shaken the world, is one which Britain may view with pride, amid all the alarms to which it has given rise. That supreme representative legislature, which, considered by the other nations as essentially and exclusively British, was viewed by them with admiration and wonder, but without hope, is now possessed, expected, or at least eagerly desired, by all continental Europe. The first effort to attain it, shooting so far beyond the

mark, leading to such frightful convulsions, and, for some time, to an issue so opposite to its original aim, caused, for some time, a strong revulsion of opinion towards any system that was regular and established. The tempest, however, passed by; and Europe, on regaining its tranquil attitude, was found throughout imbued with the desire and determination of obtaining representative governments. Ancient power, indeed, has mustered all its energies to repress this rising spirit; and, in some instances, with success. But we may confidently predict, that the attempt to maintain the principles of absolute monarchy, is too contrary to the spirit of the age, to be attended with more than temporary success. Without entering deep into questions of European policy, we may content ourselves with holding it certain, that the period in which the principles of simple monarchy were tranquilly acquiesced in by the nations of Europe, is departed, without any possibility of its ever returning.

Another change, closely connected in every way with the above, is the decline of that aristocratic influence and character, which formed the predominant feature in modern European society. Several centuries, indeed, had elapsed since feudal power and privilege had yielded to the supremacy of the Monarch. Still, a lofty sense of honour, a studied polish of manners, and a paramount importance attached to the distinctions of birth, maintained throughout Europe a privileged order, superior to, and strongly distinguished from, the mass of the people. The importance attached to commerce and the monied interest-the ruin of many great families by reigning profusion-the diffusion of literature, and of a spirit of bold inquiry, shook greatly this ancient veneration for rank, and ren

dered more prevalent the habit of considering man as man. But it was the French Revolution which was first seen sweeping away, as with a flood, all the distinctions which had been held sacred in Europe for ages. It is true, the returning tide brought back the fragments, and even the revolutionary dynasty was seen eagerly collecting, and attempting to replace them. In the rest of Europe, the rights and titles of the privileged orders remained untouched, and seemed even to have gained a triumph over the efforts to overthrow them. Still, over all Europe, the foundations of the great aristocratic edifice were permanently loosened. Talents and wealth-the one a higher, the other, perhaps, a meaner distinction, have every where, in the estimation of mankind, supplanted birth and title. Nor does there seem any thing likely to occur, for a long period, which will not tend to confirm and extend the superior sway of these new principles.

If we consider the past aspect of Europe in a moral point of view, it is difficult to appreciate an age which has exhibited itself under such various aspects, and shone so prominent, both in virtue and crime. Few ages have been marked by higher displays of heroism and patriotism, or have witnessed more extensive exertions of universal philanthropy. None, on the other hand, have exhibited more daring guilt, and all the darkest powers of the human soul met in fiercer conflict. All the great landmarks of human thought and conduct have been moved from their places; and every one has been left at liberty to follow the impulse which hurried him into the extremes either of good or of evil.

If we pass beyond the limits of Europe, we shall find the new world undergoing a change of a different

kind, but no less decisive and important. The ages which preceded had seen America trampled beneath the foot of an invading power. Europe had crushed the western world with a yoke of iron; and she still considered her settlements there only as distant plantations, to be administered for the sole behoof of the mo

ther state. In the course of this arrangement, the population of America became European; the manners and habits of Europe-all its arts of war and peace, were diffused over the boundless regions of the new continent. Hence, by degrees, the descendants of the early colonists, born and bred in America, and seeing nothing about them that was not American, lost sight of their ties with the old world. A mother, who exercised her rights only to impose the most degrading fetters, and to make them the devoted instruments of her avarice and ambition, appeared to them to have little claim on filial duty. Yet, as too often happens in such cases, the power which had acted on the mildest and most liberal system, was the first to suffer. England had infused her own liberal spirit and institutions into her Trans-atlantic subjects; hence, exercises of authority that were comparatively mild, excited there a spirit of resistance never roused by the cruel and oppressive despotism, which tyrannized over South America. The distant situation of these states, the rude extent of their territory, and the support of European powers, the jealous rivals of Britain enabled them to establish complete independence. Then was first seen in the new world, and on the spot formerly covered by huts of Indian savages, a great, civilized, and independent empire, possessing resources that will enable her ere long to outrival Europe itself. The emancipation of the Spanish colonies came

later, and was worked out with greater difficulty, in consequence of the jealous care with which their chains had been rivetted; still there can be no longer any doubt of its being complete. Indeed, the entire political separation of the two continents is an event which cannot now be at a great distance. Too happy for the powers of Europe if they tranquilly yield to an issue inevitably prepared by the course of human events, and do not again waste their blood and treasure in abortive attempts to counteract them. In the eastern extremity of the globe, a revolution as complete, but very opposite in its character, marked the reign of George III. The most splendid of the empires of Asia, the empire of Sandracottus, of Timur, and of Aurengzebe, an empire containing a hundred millions of men, has been subjected to the absolute sway of a company of merchants, who can reach it only by a navigation of fifteen thousand miles. Yet strange and anomalous as this arrangement appears, it is so strongly supported by the great superiority of energy and character on one side, and on the other by long habits of foreign subjection, that, without some very unforeseen event, it is likely to endure for several generations. If such distant possessions yield any solid benefit, this oriental empire may well compensate Britain for all that she has lost in the occidental regions. Probably, however, the real benefit is not very great; and Britain, when the hour of separation at last comes, may suffer as little as by the loss of her western colonies.

While the civilized world, and all the regions connected with it, were shaken by these violent convulsions, Britain enjoyed a deep internal tranquillity. No foreign enemy set foot upon her soil; nor did civil conflict

desolate her borders. The changes which took place in her political mind and character were gradual; insensibly springing from her own interior action, and from sympathy with those mightier changes with which all the surrounding nations were shaken. The higher orders lost none of their titles or honours; and their place in the political system was supported by habits and acquirements superior to those possessed by the same rank in other countries. Still, during the present period, there had insensibly taken place a decline of the reverence with which rank and titles were vieweda continually augmenting energy of the popular spirit; and an eagerness, even in the lowest ranks, to obtain an influence in the direction of public affairs. From the Revolution to the commencement of the present reign, all the tendencies to public commotion had been to support the rights of birth and hereditary succession; and the established government had been under no danger, unless from the restoration of a dynasty invested with absolute power. Under George III. this tendency disappeared, and danger arose from an opposite quarter. All the disturbances and alarms felt by the nation, during its lapse, have arisen from the eruptions of the popular spirit; and the only government which it has been ever proposed to substitute for the existing one, has been one consisting, or at least containing a larger portion than now, of democratic elements. Not unconnected probably with this change in public opinion, has been another in the position taken by the crown. William, and the early princes of the house of Hanover, though disposed, like other kings, to push their actual power as far as it would go, yet professed whig principles; those by which alone they did or could continue to sit on

the British throne. After the extinction of the Stuarts, and of all interest in, or favour for, that unfortunate house; and after the dangers which began to arise from a new quarter, its views were likely to undergo a change. Nothing now separated the crown from its natural friends-from those who were disposed to support to the utmost the cause of authority and of hereditary right. This party were now disposed to transfer to the Hanover succession that fealty which their ancestors had felt for the hopeless cause of the abdicated race. Perhaps, had there been as deep a root of toryism in the country, as under William, or even under George II., the consequences might have been dangerous to public liberty. But tories, even the most zealous, no longer supported monarchical power with the same blind zeal as their jacobite ancestors. They supported it, not on the principles of divine right and passive obedience, but simply as tending to support the welfare of society, and the place which they themselves held in it. When to this coldness of the supporters of the crown, we add the increased numbers and zeal of those who seek to reduce its prerogative, there seems very little reason to suppose or apprehend any general increase of the regal influ

ence.

If, from political arrangements, we proceed to public economy and the pursuits of national industry, we shall find the reign of George III. constituting a truly remarkable era. Britain presented then a progress, unparalleled in any other age or nation, either as to its rapidity, or the height which it reached. Science came forth from her closet, and taught the mechanic, with instruments before unknown, to ply the loom and the wheel with tenfold effect. Its instructions,

duly seconded by the industry and skill of the British capitalist, produced manufactures that seemed sufficient for the supply of a world. To the old English staples of wood and iron, another was added, which soon eclipsed both, though with materials drawn from an opposite hemisphere. This manufacture, which in a few years converted villages into cities, and covered barren tracts with an immense population, may probably boast a superiority, in regard to the amount of its products, over any ever established in the world. We forbear to make any observations on the stagnation which this, still more than the other branches of industry, has so remarkably experienced; being yet unable to determine whether it is to be ascribed to a permanent decline, or merely to the temporary exhaustion produced by over excitement.

The foreign trade of England has been in full proportion to its manufactures; many of which were destined for the supply of the most distant regions. The forced carrying trade of the United States, which it lost by their attainment of independence, has been much more than compensated by the valuable trade of consumption with that flourishing quarter of the world. The carrying trade, which Britain gained during the revolutionary war by the annihilation of rival navies, was not perhaps of so much value as has been supposed.

Meantime, the present age has been more peculiarly distinguished by improvements in a different direction. From the fifteenth century downwards, commerce had been the idol before which the nations bowed. Agricultural industry and internal communication were considered as objects humbly useful indeed, but not as those in which the splendour and greatness of a nation consisted. The