should submit to it, before other business could be taken up; to give the King the nomination of the presidents and secretaries of the two chambers of Storthing; in short, to reduce that assembly to a mere form, similar to the states in some of the smaller German principalities. It could not be seriously expected that a nation would abandon constitutional rights under which it was flourishing and contented, and which were the conditions upon which the King received the Norwegian crown. The next Storthing, in 1824, took into consideration these propositions, and appointed a committee to report upon them. The report of this committee is perhaps the most able paper that has emanated from a legislative body in our times. It never, in a single expression, loses the respectful and proper spirit due to propositions coming from the sovereign; while it leaves not a single principle upon which the proposed alterations are founded unexamined. It overturns, one by one, the reasons given for them; and does so with such coolness, temper, and apparent absence of all feeling, but that of investigating and referring to the principles of the constitution, that it may justly be held as a model of a state paper. The Storthing unanimously adopted the report of its committee, and rejected each of the alterations in the ground law of the constitution proposed by the King's ministers.*

paa

3

*Constitutions Committeens Indstillinger angaaende de ordentlege Storthinge fremsatte Constitutions forslag der vare udsatte til afgiorelse paa dot 4 ordentlige Storthing. 1824.

The advantages, even to the sovereign power itself, of a free representative constitution were strongly marked during these transactions. The monarch was never blamed, his popularity was never diminished, the loyalty and affectionate respect of his people were never in the slightest degree shaken even among the most ignorant of the community, by events which, under a government differently constituted, might have kindled an excitement in the public mind injurious to the royal authority, and, perhaps, to the peace of the country. The nation was already imbued with that first principle of all representative government-that the ministers are alone responsible for acts done in the name of the King. It was perfectly understood throughout Norway that, in an aristocratical country like Sweden, the monarch cannot always choose his ministers. Only a limited number of individuals have the family connexion, influence, and power, to carry on the machinery of such an aristocratic government; and among these few, the chance is small of finding men acquainted with the state of society and property in a nation destitute of nobility. The confidence of the Norwegians in the judgment and character of their sovereign is unlimited; and they have not been deceived. When the real state of any point of national interest has been developed, and it is to be remembered, that every measure must go through two foreign languages, the Swedish and French, before it can come to the King's understanding, he has invariably taken the right and

liberal course. With ministers, who from their rank and station in Sweden, from being bred up in a totally different system of social arrangement, and, perhaps, too, from the prejudice of caste, were supremely ignorant of the state and feeling of their high spirited neighbours, it is wonderful 'with what prudence and tact he has struck in when needful, and prevented violent collision. The reign of Carl Johan will be a fine theme for the future historian, when time has unlocked the secrets of cabinets, and given to the world the hidden springs of state measures.

The Norwegian constitution, since these transactions, has gained strength by repose. Its principles have been unfolded and fixed by practice; in successive Storthings men of great legal eminence have directed their attention to its developement. It has outlived that dangerous period in the existence of a free constitution, when first principles and natural rights are referred to and reasoned upon. The constitutional or ground law, as it stands, its expressions and meaning in each clause, are alone referred to, in explaining or discussing political points. The commentary on it by Stang is a work conceived and executed in this spirit; and is deservedly held in high estimation as a model of close reasoning.

The liberty of the press is one of the articles of the ground law. It is free for every man to print and publish what he pleases. There cannot consequently be any censorship, or any suppression of publications. But every man is responsible for

what he chooses to publish. For treason or blasphemy he is amenable to public justice; but the ground law defines that to constitute the offence, it must be open and intentional. Defamation or libel also on private character must be open, intentional, and false, to constitute the offence.

The state of the periodical press in a country gives a true measure of the social condition of the people, of their intelligence, their ripeness for constitutional privileges, and even of their domestic comforts. The newspapers, since I came here, have been my principal and most instructive reading. In Norway there are upwards of twenty ; but some only give the advertisements and official notices of the province or town in which they appear even these are not without interest to a stranger. It is curious to see what is to be sold or bought, and all the various transactions announced in an advertising newspaper. Of those which give also the foreign and domestic news, the most extensive circulation appears enjoyed by a daily paper called the Morgen Blad, published in Christiania. The cost of a daily paper sent by post is seven dollars, or about 28s. sterling yearly. There is no duty on newspapers; and as there are six or seven published in Christiania alone, this price is probably as low as competition can make it. In paper and type, this journal is superior to any French or German one that I have seen; and its articles of foreign news, and its editorial paragraphs, are often written with great ability. From the importance attached in all these newspapers

to little local affairs, it is evident that the mass of the people, not merely an educated few, are the consumers. There being no tax on advertisements, the most trifling matter is announced, and a publisher appears to have a kind of brokerage trade at his counting-house, and to be empowered to sell or buy for parties, or at least to bring buyers and sellers together. I have seen it advertised, with a reference to the editor's counting-house, that there was a turkey cock to be sold, a cow in calf wanted, and such trifles as show, that the class to whom they are no trifles, read and have the benefit of newspapers.

The most entire freedom of discussion exists. Public men and measures are handled freely, but I cannot say injuriously or indecorously. The Norwegian newspapers, and especially their numerous correspondents, are much occupied with objects of local interest, and keep a watchful eye over the conduct of men in office, from the lensman of a parish to a minister of state. No neglect or abuse passes unseen and unnoticed; and if the accusation even of an anonymous correspondent, appears well founded, the highest functionary feels himself morally obliged to bend to public opinion, and explain the transaction. If he is unjustly or unreasonably blamed, he finds pens drawn in his defence without trouble to himself. The public functionaries have been made to feel that they are the servants, not the masters, of the public. Under the absolute government of Denmark, although authority was mildly and judiciously exercised,