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venue; which must have been the inevitable Confe quence of making thofe Commodities dearer, and the Confumption lefs. Perhaps, I might add that the Pretence of Frauds and Abuses, in the Collection of the Land Tax, (which the minifterial Writers have often hinted at already) would have been made an Argument, fome Time or other, for converting that Durg likewife into an Excise.

I am very far from defigning to recommend the Mifapplication of the finking Fund, which is folemnly appropriated by feveral Acts of Parliament to the Payment of our Debts, and was formerly diftinguifh'd by the Title of facred and inviolable; a Depofitum, which ought not to be diverted to any other_Purposes whatfoever, even in Cafes of the greatest Extremity. This was the Language of a Book publifh'd about feven Years ago, intitled an Essay on the publick Debts, which met with the Approbation of a certain Gentleman, who call'd Himself at that Time the Father of the finking Fund, and pretended to be exceffively fond of his Child. Indeed, He hath been nibbling at it ever fince, and drawn many a pretty Sum out of it; yet He commonly did it with an Appearance of Decency, and under fome Pretence that the Money did not properly belong to the finking Fund. But at length He feems to have got over all these Scruples, and publickly took half a Million from it this Year, without any Diftinction or Pretence whatsoever. I fhall not therefore be very much furprized, if He fhould demand the whole Produce of it next Year, for the current Expences of the Government. I am fure He may do it with as much Reason and Confistency with his former Declarations.

But if it fhould be judged proper to disappropriate this boafted Fund from the Discharge of the publick Debts, I muft beg Leave to offer my Opinion that it will be much better apply'd to the Reduction of those Duties, which are most burthenfome on the Neceffaries

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of Life, Trade and Manufactury, than to the current Service of the Year. This will give the most effectual Relief to the British Landholders, by rendering Provifions and Labour cheap, enabling the poor Farmer to pay his Rent better, and in Time, perhaps, to advance it; whereas the other Method of eafing the Land, by taxing Commodities, is only a nominal Relief for the prefent, which will certainly end in a more grievous Burthen than any Land-Tax whatsoever; for let the Projector and his Advocates endeavour to flatter the landed Gentlemen as much as They please, the Reasoning of Mr. Locke will always hold good; that Taxes however contrived, or out of whofe Hands foever immediately taken, do in a Country, where their great Fund is in Land, for the most Part terminate in Land. Nay, perhaps, it will be found that thofe Taxes, which feem leaft to affect Land, will most furely of all others fall the Rents.

I fhall therefore conclude with a very pretty Allegory, concerning the wrong Policy of laying heavy Burthens upon Trade and Manufactures, from Monfieur de Wit, which hath been already quoted by Writer, in the Courfe of this Debate.

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"The Antients, fays He, have compared these in"confiderable People to Mice; who, being to live on "the Fruit of an Orchard, found that the Roots of "the Trees relish'd well, and were of good Nourish"ment; fo that They made bold to eat of them; by "which Means the Trees, for want of fufficient Root, "being deprived of their afue Nourishment, bore lefs "Fruit, and the wifeft of Them told the others the "Reason of it, but were not believed by the foolish " and greedy Mice, who continued gnawing and de"vouring the Root; and when, in the following Year, befides the Unfruitfulness, thefe Trees, which had

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Some Thoughts on the Land-Tax, general Excies, &.

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"loft many of their Roots and Fibres, were either blown "down by the Storms, or kill'd by the Froft, the wife "Mice did thereupon once again warn their impru"dent Brethren against it; who anfwer'd that it was not their undermining and eating the Roots, but the fierce Storms and the harp Winter, that were the "Cause of it; fo that They continued feeding on the "Roots, till the Trees were fo diminifh'd, that both "the wife and foolish Mice muft either die of Hunger, 66 or feek a better Habitation.

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Though this little Fable is very well adapted to the Point in Debate; yet I thank God it is not intirely applicable to our Cafe, at prefent; for the foolish and greedy Mice have not yet carry'd their Point; and I hope the boneft Country Mice will always keep themfelves on their Guard against any Attempts of their Brethren at Court to draw Them into the fame Snare.

D.

SATURDAY

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N° 371. SATURDAY, Aug. 11, 1733.

Furono veramente tutti i Rè principio Capi, e non Rè, di Republiche, e non di regni. Ma poi il lungo ufo bà fatto che i Popoli fi fiano difpofti et anuezzati all' habito dell' intiera ubbidienza, come apunto fuole affuefarfi una pianta, & un corpo bumano a viuere, in terreno, e fotto clime diuerfo dal fuo naturale.

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Card. Bentivoglio Relatione delle
Prov. unite de Fiandra. Lib. 3.

Ardinal BENTIVOGLIO, from whofe Writings I have taken the Motto to this Paper, was a Man on all Accounts little to be fufpected of favouring the Caufe of Liberty; much lefs of writing ftrongly and boldly for it, But the Love of it is innate in the Mind of every Man; and however we may be depraved by bad Education, however inflamed by Party, Intereft, or the Spirit of Oppofition, yet whenever we grow cool, and are not immediately agitated by our Paffions, that Spirit breaks out, and fhews itself even in Thofe, who are the greatest Abettors of arbitrary Power.

Thus the Cardinal, borne down by the Force of Reason, and the Influence of this Principle of Nature, expreffes in this Sentence not only his own Opinion, but That of all Mankind, though private Reasons may induce many to profefs themfelves of contrary Sentiments; nor is it impoffible for fome Men, weak in their Natures and warm in their Tempers, to be either fo

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far feduced by the Arguments of defigning Men, or fo heated by political Contentions, as even to become in fome Manner convinced, that They have no natural Right to Liberty; and that their Princes are born with a juft Title to that arbitrary Power, which is always the Child of Fraud, or Ufurpation.

It is our great Happiness that his prefent Majefty's Dominion is founded upon a better Title than either the Jus divinum, or hereditary Right. He owes it purely to the Voice of the People in Parliament. He got it by their Favour, and will keep it by their Affection; nor is it lefs for the Advantage of his Family, or for That of the Nation, that He came to the Throne upon thefe Terms. The Limitations and Conditions, by the due Obfervance of which He is entitled to it, will ferve as a certain Rule to his Pofterity, by which if They guide Themfelves, They may depend upon the Hearts and Purfes of their Subjects to all Eternity. His Predeceffors had not the fame Advantages. They were bred up in a Notion that their Prerogative entitled Them to do what They pleased; nor were the Privileges of the People fo firmly afcertain'd. This occafion'd perpetual Jealoufies, gave Opportunities for evil Minifters to impofe upon the Prince, and for feditious Perfons to inflame the People. It often gave Rife to unwarrantable Acts of Power; and thus frequently expofed both the royal Family and the Nation to the utmoft Confufion.

Machiavel, in his political Difcourfes, lays down this Pofition; that no Government can long enjoy Liberty, unless it be frequently brought back to its first Principles. It is the Nature of all Government to degenerate. As it grows older, it gradually deviates and flies farther from its firft Intention, which is fingly the Advantage of Society; 'till at last it attains fuch a Degree of Corruption, that its Order becomes intirely inverted; and that Inftitution, by which the Prince was first only the Servant of the Publick, obliges the Pub

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