in any other part of Europe at that time. Their language, at some of these meetings, in reference to Irish politics, was considered by some of their own countrymen then in Paris-and of their own politics -as imprudent and unguarded. The dangers of these societies have been eloquently pointed out by one of the master spirits of the Irish bar, at a period before the duties of the bench and the political obligations it imposed, had "shorne the profession of one of the most splendid of its beams."

"What man," said Bushe, in one of his speeches against the Union, "can answer for himself, in going into a self-constituted political society? His first steps are deliberate his motives are good-his passions warm; as he proceeds, the applause given to moderation intoxicates him-the vehemence of debate elates him he begins a patriot-he ends a revolutionist. Is this fancy or history? I well remember who can forget?-the first National Assembly of France; composed of every thing most honourable, gallant, venerable and patriotic, in the kingdom, called together for the noblest and purest purposes. The nobility and the prelacy united with the representatives of the people-and the three estates promised the regeneration of the country. What was the result? The wise, and the good and virtuous, were put down or brought over, by the upstart, and the factious, and the demagogue. They knew not the lengths they were going: they were hurried on by an increasing attraction, step by step, and day after day, to that vortex, in which have been buried even the ruins of every establishment, reli

gious and political, and from whose womb has

sprung that colossal despotism which now frowns upon mankind. * * ** *

* * *

"The very nature and constitution of a self-constituted assembly, generates danger and encourages excess. Compare such a constitution with the established authorities of the land, all controlled, confined to their respective spheres, balancing and gravitating to each other-all symmetry-all order-all harmony! Behold, on the other hand, this prodigy in the political hemisphere, with eccentric course and portentous glare, bound by no attraction, disclaiming any orbit, disturbing the system, and affrighting the world !"*

The figure of the political planets, "all symmetry -all order-all harmony," as applicable to Ireland at that period, is fetched, indeed, from the upper regions of imagination: and as applicable to that parliament, on which its own members were already laying their suicidal hands, nothing can be more preposterous; but the beauty of the imagery almost compensates for the absurdity of the application.

But with regard to the other observations, few men who have lived in troubled times, or read the history of the chief actors therein, will be disposed to call in question the justice of them. But it is to be remembered that Bushe, on this occasion, was reading the history of these societies by the light of their ultimate perversion to the worst of passions, in the worst of times; and that the Sheares's acquaintance with them was made seven years before, when the world

* Vide Phillips's Specimens of Irish Eloquence.

was not yet dazzled with the portentous glare of the revolutionary prodigy; and its eccentric course had then scarcely began to deviate from its orbit, and to confound the speculations of its observers.

From 1789 to the summer of 1792, the French Revolution was conducted with comparative moderation, and never was there more ability displayed than the events of that time had called into activity. The subject of good government was ably and fearlessly discussed; and the well-being of the people was the professed end and aim of all political enquiry.

No wonder if the minds of those who attended these discussions-probably at first from motives of curiosity-were eventually excited by such topics, and that they suffered themselves to be led away by the enthusiasm which surrounded them.

The wonder is, not that such a result should take place; but while we flatter ourselves, were we placed in such circumstances we would have resisted every evil influence, we have reason to be thankful our lot has not been like that of our fathers-in youth, and without experience, to be launched on those tempestuous times, where it did not always-or even often happen, that it was the worst of men who braved the storm, or perished in it. It is certain that the visit of the Sheares to France produced a marked effect on the political sentiments of both the brothers, and was noticed by many of their friends on their return.

In the latter part of 1794, or beginning of 1795, Henry made the acquaintance of Miss Sarah Neville, the daughter of Mr. Neville of Mary Mount, in the

county Kilkenny, of a highly respectable family. Mrs. Neville was the sister of Sir Robert Hudson, and her husband, the brother of Mr. Brent Neville, Sheriff's Peer and merchant of Dublin. Shortly after their intimacy, Miss Neville became the wife of Henry Sheares. Those who knew her well, describe her as no less remarkable for her beauty than her accomplishments.

The library of the Sheares was said-by one well qualified to form an opinion on such a subject—to be one of the best selected private collections that person had ever seen. Henry was not a man of very studious or of remarkable intellectual powers; but was possessed of moderate abilities, and a taste for the literature of the day; had considerable conversational powers— expressed himself clearly, and generally, strongly : on subjects which engaged his feelings, he spoke with vehemence, and apparent brusqueness, which many persons interpreted as an evidence of an overbearing temper, and of hauteur, but which all those intimately acquainted with him in private life, considered as attributable to a peculiarity of manner, rather than to his natural disposition. He was honourable in his principles, frank and ingenuous. In quitting the army he had not shaken off the military air and carriage; and there was, by all accounts, a dash of the soldier in his deportment and mode of expression, that denoted qualities better suited for the camp than the inns of court. He was fond of society; and to use the words of one of its brightest ornaments, who knew him well, "he was fitted for its highest circles." His fondness for

shew-for the luxuries of life, as well as for its pleasures-were little calculated to give any impression of republican simplicity, or indeed, to justify the opinion that his principles were originally of a very democratic character. Had he entered the political arena half a century later, there is every reason to conjecture, his opinions would hardly have gone far enough for the party of the out-and-out reformers in these days. Treason in his time was not a mere act of overt hostility to the sovereign, or of violence against his authority; but every man who advocated reform, and deprecated parliamentary corruption, was designated a "traitor" by the members of administration; and hostility to that administration, however constitutionally carried on, was regarded as "seditious," and branded in parliament by that opprobrious term.

It is easy, and even consolatory now, to the feelings of political leaders, when their opinions travel swiftly and commodiously on the railways of reform, to upbraid the opponents of oppression, the vehicles of whose opposition were dragged over the rough road of parliamentary corruption, and to include all who made themselves obnoxious to the enemies of reform, in the sweeping obloquy of a term that has often been imposed before it has been deserved. In the case of the Sheares, long before either brother was involved in the guilt of treason, the opinions they expressed in favour of reform and Catholic emancipation, were denounced by Lord Clare, in hist place in parliament; and the elder brother, in par