every hour you continue on this ill-chofen ground, your difficulties thicken on you; and therefore my conclufion is, remove from a bad pofition as quickly as you can. The disgrace, and the neceffity of yielding, both of them, grow upon you every hour of your delay,

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But will you repeal the act, fays the hon. Gentleman, at this inftant, when America is in open refiftance to your authority, and that you have juft revived your fyftem of taxation? He thinks he has driven us into a corner. But thus pent up, I am confent to meet him; because I enter the lifts fupported by my old authority, his new friends, the minifters themselves. The hon. Gentleman remembers, that about five years ago as great disturbances as the prefent prevailed in America on account of the new taxes. The minifters reprefented these disturbances as treasona ble; and this house thought proper, on that representation, to make a famous address for a revival, and for a new application of a ftatute of H. VIII. We befought the King, in that well con fidered addrefs, to enquire into treafons, and to bring the fuppof ed traytors from America to Great-Britain for trial. His Majefty was pleased graciously to promife a compliance with our request. All the atteinpts from this fide of the house to refift these violences, and to bring about a repeal, were treated with the utmost scorn. An apprehenfion of the very confequences now ftated by the hon. Gentleman, was then given as a reason for fhutting the door against all hope of fuch an alteration. And so strong was the spirit for fupporting the new taxes, that the feflion concluded with the following remarkable declaration. After ftating the vigorous meafures which had been purfued, the speech from the throne proceeds:

You have affured me of your firm fupport in the profecution of them. Nothing, in my opinion, could be more likely to enable the well-difpofed among my fubjects in that part of the world, effectually to difcourage and defeat the defigns of the factious and feditious, than the hearty concurrence of every branch of the Legislature, in maintaining the execu tion of the laws in every part of my dominions. "

After this no man dreamt that a repeal under this ministry could poffibly take place. The hon. Gentleman knows as well as I, that the idea was utterly exploded by thofe who fway the house. This fpeech was made on the 9th day of May, 1769. Five days after this fpeech, that is, on the 13th of the fame month, the public circular letter, a part of which I am going to read to you, was written by Lord Hillsborough, fecretary of state for the colonies. After reciting the fubftance of the King's speech; he goes on thus:

“I can take upon me to affure you, notwithstanding infinuations to the ❝ contrary,

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" contrary, from men, with factious and feditious views, that his "Majesty's prefent adminiftration have at no time entertained a defign to propofe to parliament to lay any further taxes upon "America, for the purpofe of RAISING A REVENUE; and that it is at prefent their intention to propofe, the next feffion of parlia "ment, to take off the duties upon glafs, paper, and colours, upon confi deration of fuch duties having been laid contrary to the true prin ciples of Commerce.

"Thefe have always been, and ftill are, the fentiments of his Majef ty's prefent fervants; and by which their conduct in respect to "America has been governed.. And his Majefty relies upon your "prudence and fidelity for fuch an explanation of his meafures, as may "tend to remove the prejudices which have been excited by the mifrepre fentations of thofe who are enemies to the peace and profperity of Great "Britain and her colonies; and to re eftablish that mutual confidence "and affection, upon which the glory, and fafety of the British empire "depend"

Here, Sir, is a canonical book of minifterial fcripture; the general epiftle to the Americans. What does the gentleman fay, to it? Here a repeal is promifed; promifed without condition; and while your authority was actually refifted. I pass by the public promife of a peer relative to the repeal of taxes by this houfe. I pafs by the use of the King's name in a matter of fupply, that facred and reserved right of the commons. I conceal the ridiculous figure of parliament, hurling its thunders at the gigantic rebellion of America; and then five days after, proftratę at the feet of thofe affemblies we affected to defpife; begging them, by the intervention of our minifterial fureties, to receive our fubmiffion; and heartily promifing amendment. These might have been, ferious matters formerly; but we are grown wifer than our fathers. Paffing, therefore, from the conftitu tional confideration to the mere policy, does not this letter imply, that the idea of taxing America for the purpofe of revenue is an abominable project; when the ministry fuppofe none, but faltious men, and with feditious views, could charge them with it does not this letter adopt and fanctify the American distinction of taxing for a revenue? does it not formally reject all future taxation on that principle? does it not state the minifterial rejecton of fuch principle of taxation, not as the occafional, but the conflant opinion of the King's fervants? does it not fay (1 care not how confiftently,) but does it not say, that their conduct with regard to America has been always governed by this poli cy ? It goes a great deal further. Thefe excellent and trufty fere) vants of the King; justly fearful left they themselves should have loft all credit with the world, bring out the image of their gra

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cious Sovereign from the inmoft and most facted fhrine, and they pawn him, as a fecurity for their promifes. "His Majef "ty relies on your prudence and fidelity for fuch an explana❝tion of his measures." Thefe fentiments of the minister, and these measures of his Majefty, can only relate to the principle and practice of taxing for a revenue; and accordingly Lord Botetourt, Rating it as fuch, did with great propriety, and in the exact fpirit of his inftructions, endeavour to remove the fears of the Virginian affembly, left the fentiments, which it feems (unknown to the world) had always been thofe of the minifters, and by which their conduct in respect to America had been governed," fhould by fome poffible revolution, favourable to wicked American taxers, be hereafter counteracted. He addreffes them in this manner.

It may poffibly be objected, that as his Majefty's prefent adminiftration are not immortal, their fucceffors may be inclined to attempt to undo what the prefent minifters fhall have attempted to perform; and to that objection I can give but this anfwer; that it is my firm opinion, that the plan I have ftated to you will certainly take place, and that it will never be departed from; and fo determined am I for ever to abide by it, that will be content to be declared infamous, if I do not, to the last hour of my life, at all times, in all places, and upon all occafions, exert every power with which I either am, or ever shall be legally invested, in order to obtain and maintain for the Continent of America that fatisfaction' which I have been authorifed to promife this day, by the confidential fervants of our gracious Sovereign, who to my certain knowledge rates. his honour fo high, that he would rather part with his crown, than preferve it by deceit.*

A glorious and true character! which (fince we fuffer his minifters with impunity to anfwer for his ideas of taxation) we ought to make it our bufinefs to enable his Majefty to preferve in all its luftre. Let him have character, fince ours is no more! Let fome part of government be kept in refpect!

This epiftle was not the letter of Lord Hillsborough solely;

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*A material point is omitted by Mr. Burke in this fpeech, viz. the manner in which the Continent received this royal affurance. The affembly of Virginia, in their Address in answer to Lord Botetourt's fpeech, express themselves thus: "We, "will not fuffer our prefent hopes, arifing from the pleafing profpect your Lord. "fhip hath fo kindly opened and difplayed to us, to be dafhed by the bitter reflection that any future adminiftration will entertain a wish to depart from that "plan, which affords the fureft and most permanent foundation of public tran “quillity and happiness: No, my Lord, we are fure vur most gracious Sovereign," "under whatever changes may happen in his confidential fervants, will remain "immutable in the ways of truth and justice, and that he is incapable of deceiving "his faithful fubjects; and we esteem yo Lordship's information not only as "warranted, but even fanctified by the royal word.”

though he held the official pen. It was the letter of the noble Lord upon the floor + and of all the King's then minifters, who (with I think the exception of two only) are his minifters at this hour. The very firft news that a British parliament heard of what it was to do with the duties which it had given and granted to the King, was by the publication of the votes of American affemblies. It was in America that your resolutions were pre-declared. It was from thence that we knew to a certainty, how much exactly, and not a fcruple more nor lefs, we were to repeal. We were unworthy to be let into the fecret of our own conduct. The affemblies had confidential communications from his Majefty's confidential fervants. We were nothing but inftruments. Do you, after this, wonder that you have no weight and no refpect in the Colonies? After this, are you furprized, that parliament is every day and every where lofing (I feel it with forrow, I utter it with reluctance) that reverential affection, which fo endearing a name of authority ought ever to carry with it; that you are obeyed folely from refpect to the bayonet; and that this houfe, the ground and pillar of freedom, is itself held up only by the under-pinning and clumfy buttreffes of arbitrary power?

If this dignity, which is to ftand in the place of just policy and common fenfe, had been confulted, there was a time for preferving it, and for reconciling it with any conceffion. If in the feffion of 1768, that feffion of idle terror and empty menaces, you had, as you were often preffed to do, repealed these taxes, then your ftrong operations would have come juftified and enforced, in cafe your conceffions had been returned by outrages. But, pre-pofteroufly you began with violence: and before terTors could have any effect, either good or bad, your ministers immediately begged pardon, and promifed that repeal to the obftinate Americans which they had refused in an easy, good-natured, complying British parliament. The affemblies which had been publicly and avowedly diffolved for their contumacy.are called together to receive your fubmiffion. Your minifterial directors bluftered like tragic tyrants here; and then went mumping with a fore leg in America, canting, and whining, and complaining of faction which reprefented them as friends to revenue in the colonies. I hope nobody in this houfe will hereafter have the impudence to defend American taxes in the name of Miniftry. The moment they do, with this letter of attorney in my hand, I will tell them, in the authorised terms, they are wretches, “with "factious and feditious views; enemies to the peace and prof. "perity of the Mother country and the colonies," and fubverters" of the mutual affection and confidence on which the glory and fafety of the British empire depend.”

+ Lord North.

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After this letter the question is no more on propriety or dignis ty. They are gone already. The faith of your Sovereign is pledged for the political principle. The general declaration in the letter goes to the whole of it. You must therefore either abandon the scheme of taxing; or you must fend the minifters tarred and feathered to America, who dared to hold out the Royal Faith for a renunciation of all taxes for revenue. Them you must punifh, or this faith you must preserve. The prefer vation of this faith is of more confequence than the duties on red lead, or white lead, or on broken glafs, or atlas ordinary, or de mi-fine, or blue royal, or baftard, or fool's-cap, which you have given up, or the three pence on tea which you retained. The letter went ftampt with the public authority of this kingdom. The inftructions for the colony government go under no other fan&tion; and America cannot believe, and will not obey you, if you do not preferve this channel of communciation facred. You are now punifhing the colonies for acting on diftinctions, held out by that very miniftry which is here fhining in riches, in favour, and in power; and urging the punishment of the very offence, to which they had themselves been the tempters.

Sir, if reasons refpecting fimply your own commerce, which is your own convenience, were the fole grounds of the repeal of the five duties why does Lord Hillsborough, in disclaiming in the name of the King and miniftry their ever having had an intent to tax for a revenue, mention it as the means "of re-estab"lifhing the confidence and affection of the colonies?" Is it a way of foothing others, to affure them that you will take good care of yourfelf? The medium, the only medium, for regaining their affection and confidence is, that you will take off fomething oppreffive to their minds. Sir, the Letter strongly enforces that idea; for though the repeal of the taxes is promifed on commercial principles, yet the means of counteracting" the infinuations of men with factious and feditious views," is by a difclaimer of the intention of taxing for revenue, as a conftant invariable sentiment and rule of conduct in the government of America.

I remember that the noble Lord on the floor, not in a former debate to be fure (it would be diforderly to refer to it, I fuppofe I read it fome where,) but the noble Lord was pleafed to fay, that he did not conceive how it could enter into the head of man to impofe fuch taxes as those of 1767. I mean those taxes which he voted for impofing, and voted for repealing; as being taxes, contrary to all the principles of commerce, laid on British Manufactures.

I dare fay the noble Lord is perfectly well read, because the

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