amongst these people, however, is in the event of the parties not having the means at the time, to afford the feast, and other expenses. In such an event, they simply tie on the Mangalasütram, upon which the parties live together as man and wife. The other ceremonies, however, must be gone through at sometime or other, when means admits, as it is not considered right that they should be omitted altogether. Should the husband happen to die before the defect has been supplied, the friends and relatives at once borrow money, if they have none by them, and proceed to complete the marriage ceremonies in the presence and on behalf of the corpse. The dead body is placed on a seat with the woman by it, and it is supposed to be the bridegroom. After this gruesome ceremony, the Mangalasutram is taken off the woman, and she is free, as a widow, to remarry.

Amongst the Kallans, an important caste in the South, a marriage alliance depends upon consanguinity, much the same as the Menarikam already spoken of, and it is entirely irrespective of the wishes of either parties to the contract, or even of their parents. When a wedding has been fixed upon, the sister of the bridegroom, with a present in her hand, goes to the house of the parents of the bride, and ties some horse hair round the bride's neck. She then takes her, accompanied by some of her relatives, to the house of the bridegroom, where a feast is prepared. After the feast the pair are conducted to the house of the bridegroom, where a solemn exchange is made of Vallari Thadis, or boomerangs. Another feast is then given in the bride's house, and the bride is presented by her parents with some rice and a hen. The bride and bridegroom, now husband and wife, then repair to his home and the marriage ceremony is compete.

There is a caste of cultivators in the South called Tottiyans, who perform their weddings as follows. Two booths are erected, outside the limits of the village, and in each of them is placed a bullocksaddle, and upon these are seated the bride and bridegroom, whilst the relatives and friends congregate

around. The attendant priest addresses the assembly after which the price of the bride, usually so much grain, is carried under a canopy of white cloth to the house of the bride's father. This procession, which is heralded by music and dancing, is met by the friends of the bride, who receive the grain, and they all go together into the house. Here betel is distributed and mutual congratulations exchanged, after which the whole party is led to the bride's booth by the priest. Arrived there, the priest receives, at the hand of the bridegroom, a small chain of black beads, and a tiny circlet of gold. The priest then proceeds to tie the chain round the bride's neck and attaches the circlet of gold to her forehead, with which ceremony the marriage is complete. Of course this is succeeded by the usual feasting, without which it does not seem possible for a marriage to take place anywhere.

There are people of a very low status like the Poleiyans, for instance, whose marriage ceremony merely consists of a declaration of consent, made by both parties, at a feast to which all the relatives are invited.

The nuptial rites of the hill tribes of Southern India seem to be of the most simple and primitive character, as may be seen by referring to the Nilgiri Manual by the late Mr. Grigg. The following particulars are culled from that volume.

Amongst the Todas, we are told, early betrothals are common, and the agreement is ratified by an interchange of buffaloes. When the time comes for the marriage to be consummated there is another exchange of buffaloes. There is no ceremony further than the woman bowing down before the man and he placing his foot upon her head. This humiliating acknowledgment of submission on the part of the woman, is not what one would have expected in a tribe where polyandry is practised. The wife is installed in her position by her proceeding to perform some household duties, such as cooking and drawing water.

The Kōtas, a tribe on the slopes of the Nilgiris, perform their marriages in the following manner. It is usual for the couple to be betrothed when they are quite young, and when the girl becomes of a

marriageable age she is sent for to the house of her future father-in-law. The usual marriage feast is given, followed by music and dancing, and the ceremony is concluded by the bridegroom's mother tying the Mangalasūtram round the bride's neck.

Amongst the Kurambas, who are also dwellers on the Nilgiri slopes, there seem to be, properly speaking, no marriage rites whatever. When a couple decide to come together, or even, in some cases, after they have been living together for some time, a feast is given to their friends and the marriage is complete.

With the Irulas, also, another Nilgiri tribe, there is no marriage ceremony, neither is there any previous betrothal. When a youth comes of age to choose a wife, he finds one for himself and the matter is ended.

The Badagas, who are dwellers on the Nilgiri plateau, are said to be descendants of Canarese colonists. Amongst this people, marriages are contracted without any special rites, and the marriage tie is held by them very loosely. After a couple have agreed to come together, there seems to be a time of probation allowed, during which either of the parties may change their mind, and decline to go on further with the connection. A man may perhaps make several of these temporary alliances before he definitely decides upon a partner for life. There seems to be some feasting when a definite alliance has been agreed to, and that is all by way of rites and ceremonies.

Nothing has been said in this chapter of the Polyandry and Polygamy which exist as institutions amongst some tribes and nations of India; nor have we touched upon the question of divorce which, though unknown amongst orthodox Hindus, is as freely practised amongst some castes and tribes as it is amongst some of their pale faced brethren of more advanced countries. These are matters somewhat beside the object we have had in hand, which is rather to describe the marriage rites and customs prevalent amongst orthodox Hindus, and those who, though nominally, perhaps, are called Hindus, are really outside the pale of the Brahmanical religion.

"For the sustenance of the vital spirit, Brahma created all this animal and vegetable system; and all that is moveable and immoveable, that spirit devours." (Manu V. 28.)

In the chapter on Nitya Karma-The Hindu Daily Round-a brief description was given of a Brahmin family at dinner, but nothing was said about the composition of the various dishes which usually form the bill of fare. It may therefore not be uninteresting to give a little information on this head, and, at the same time, make a few brief remarks on the dietary of the Hindus generally. There is no doubt that in ancient times far more latitude was allowed, in the matter of food, than is the case in modern days. The institutes of Manu, which are supposed to have been compiled about the fifth century before the Christian era, clearly show that, with various restrictions, most of which commend themselves to one's judgment, there was, practically, as much freedom in the choice of food to the good Hindu of those days as there is to most civilized nations in these modern times. In the fifth chapter of the Institutes, the ancient law-giver mentions various kinds of vegetables and animals that may not lawfully be eaten; but these dietary rules are very much on a line with those laid down for the Jewish nation in the book of Leviticus, and the wisdom of many of them, from a sanitary and economic point of view, is very apparent to the dweller in Eastern lands. One can at once see why, for instance, "mushrooms and all vegetables raised in dung" are excluded from the dietary; and one can also well imagine why, in a hot reeking climate "garlic, onions, and leeks" are not recommended. Again, to the Eastern traveller there is no question as to the positive wisdom of the rule forbidding the eating of the flesh

of birds and beasts of prey, and of such vile feeders as the village hog. Of course some of the restrictions do not so commend themselves to one's ideas of the fitness of things; but doubtless there were good and sensible reasons for most of them, if we only knew. Even, however, in the laws of Manu, the permissions and restrictions are of a somewhat conflicting nature; and, as is the case with so much that is connected with Hinduism, they present, to the eye of the uninitiated, manifest contradictions. Nothing can be more free and general than the passage quoted at the head of this chapter. It seems to cover everything, in its general language; and besides this, there is much of a specific nature of the same free character. We find, for instance, the following general statement :

"Things fixed are eaten by creatures with locomotion ; toothless animals, by animals with teeth; those without hands, by those to whom hands were given; and the timid by the bold." (V. 29.)

After giving utterance to this philosophical observation, embodying a truth evident to the most casual observer of the things of creation, the law-giver goes on to say :

"He who eats according to law commits no sin, even though every day he tastes the flesh of such animals as may lawfully be tasted; since both animals who may be eaten and those who eat them are created by Brahma."

"No sin is committed by him who, having honoured the deities and the manes, eats flesh-meat which he has bought, or which he has himself acquired, or which has been given him by another." (V. 30, 32.)

In all this there is no more restriction than is the case with ordinary Muhammadan customs, for instance; but, further on, we find enactments which seem entirely to do away with this freedom. A general principle is laid down, and a hard and fast deduction drawn from it as follows:

"He who injures no animated creature shall attain, without hardship whatever he thinks of, whatever he strives for, whatever he fixes his mind on.