it, and who applied to be recognized by the United Presbyterian Church, had separated from a congregation of the English Presbyterian Church. Communications were at once opened with the sister Presbytery, by that to which the application was made, and members of each have cordially recognized the thorough good feeling and courtesy that has marked the procedure of the other. While this spirit bodes well for Union, cases such as this, as was remarked by Mr. J. C. Paterson at the Lancashire Presbytery, illustrate the urgent need of having it accomplished without delay on the English side of the Border.

We referred recently to an important evangelistic enterprise commenced by Mr. J. T. Davidson of Islington, London. The Sabbath afternoon services for the working people, held for some months in a hall with sitting room for nearly a thousand, got at length so crowded, that Mr. Davidson ventured on the bold step of having a part of the great Agricultural Hall curtained off as the place of meeting. Seats were provided for three thousand. They are completely occupied, and last Sabbath afternoon numbers were standing. This fact shows that Presbyterian ministers have a wide and effectual door open before them in London. We trust that the vacant congregations there may soon find worthy successors to their former ministers, who were the very foremost men in the London Presbyterian Church-viz., the beloved and lamented Dr. Hamilton, Dr. Chalmers, and now last, and not least, Dr. King.

We observe that Mr. Hugh M. Matheson, of whose more than princely liberality many of our readers have heard, and whose rare generosity is only surpassed by a yet rarer modesty and humility, has purchased and made over to the Presbytery a chapel in the very heart of working-class London, as a centre for evangelistic work. Mr. Whitmore, minister of Millwall, a man of great natural ability and of great fervour of spirit, thoroughly acquainted with the London artizans of the higher class, and who, though brought up in another denomination, became a Presbyterian by conviction, has been appointed to take charge of this work.

BILLS BEFORE PARLIAMENT. There are four Bills before Parliament just now, which have more or less in them of the ecclesiastical element-viz., that of Mr. Gladstone for disendowing the Irish Church, that of the Duke of Argyll for establishing a national system of education in Scotland, that of Sir J. D. Coleridge for the abolition of University tests, and that of Mr. Hadfield for the full opening up of parochial churchyards in England to Dissenters.

Without discussing the merits of any of these here, we may, in a few sentences, indicate the radical features of cach. The formal disendowment of THE IRISH CHURCH is to take effect immediately on the passing of the Bill; its disestablishment, real as well as formal, on the 1st January 1871, unless the time be further extended by Parliament. On the first of those dates all the property of the Church passes into the hands of Commissioners appointed for ten years by Parliament; on the second "the Ecclesiastical Courts of Ireland will be abolished, the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Ireland will cease, the ecclesiastical laws of Ireland will cease to bind by authority as laws, the right of peerage on the part of the bishops will lapse, all ecclesiastical corporations in Ireland will be dissolved." During the intervening period appointments may continue to be made to bishoprics and benefices; but they will confer no vested interests, and the Crown will not be authorized to appoint a bishop unless on the prayer of the bishops of the province designating a particular person for the vacancy. The future constitution of the Church is to be such as its members shall determine. Bishops, clergy, and laity are expected, during the eighteen months of partial suspense, to frame for themselves "something in the nature of a governing body;" and with that view all statutory restrictions on Irish synods and conventions are to be removed: this governing body the Crown is to be authorized to "recognize" by Order in Council; and it will then become incorporated for certain purposes. It is not, Mr. Gladstone takes care to say, to be the creation of the Crown, nor is the Crown to form any judgment about it except on the single point whether it be a bonâ fide representative body or no. Unless and until they are altered by this body, the ecclesiastical laws of the Church will continue, though they will lose their force as laws, to subsist as the terms of a voluntary contract

Tithe rent-charge....

ASSETS.

Leased lands and perpetuity rents.
Glebe and other lands let out for short terms....
Lands in occupation of ecclesiastics..
Miscellaneous funds.....

CHARGES.

Life interests of incumbents of all ranks Curates...

£9,000,000 4,000,000 1,500,000 750,000

750,000

£16,000,000 Surplus...... 8,650,000 £7,350,000 .£4,900,000 800,000 600,000 300,000 500,000 Building charges on glebe-houses.. 250,000 Presbyterian and Roman Catholic compensations 1,100,000 Expenses of Commission (£20,000 a year).. 200,000 £8,650,000

Lay compensations.
Advowsons....

Private endowments.

Believing, however, that on the whole "the results will come out rather better than worse," Mr. Gladstone fixes £7,500,000 as the probable surplus.

66

Adopted National School" is to be left, like the parochial school, under the same management as before, and the Church is still to have the satisfaction of contributing to its support-receiving as at present the aid from the Privy Council grants.

For the oversight of the New National Schools," which may be said to represent the School of the Future. a new body is to be created, to be called "the School Committee." It is to consist of a certain number of men, who are to be elected in landward parishes by the ratepayers, and in burghs by the Town Councils, and to hold office for three years. It is to have the power of assessing up to a certain figure for educational purposes.

The religious teaching in the schools is to be left to be arranged for by the different sets of managers-only, as the scheme is for the benefit of all denominations, a conscience clause is introduced into the Bill, providing that the children shall not be required (if their parents do not wish it) to be present during the time when religious services or instructions are being carried on. The Bill for the ABOLITION OF TESTS in the English Universities passed the second reading in the House of Commons on the 15th of March, and there can now be no doubt about its becoming the law of the land. Of course this is the right thing. These institutions are national, not denominational, and the argument of the University Commissioners was quite unanswerable when they said: "It certainly is singular that a lay corporation should require from laymen, simply as a condition of membership, that which the Church of England does not require for participation in its most sacred ordinance." At the same time, we are not so perfectly sure as many are that the opening up of the English Universities will be an unmixed advantage. There has long been a tendency among the distinguished students of our Scottish Colleges to seek south to Oxford or Cambridge, and it is very well known that the consequences

The second reading has been carried by a majority have not always been eminently satisfactory. Many of

of 118.

Of course there are very few who are perfectly pleased with the arrangement. The Conservative Church party cannot be made to see in the scheme anything else than confiscation and sacrilege, and are prepared to resist its execution to the death. Any earnest Churchmen-not being politicians-who have made up their minds not to fight, are silent-not from satisfaction, but from the feeling that they must acquiesce in the inevitable; while even from such Presbyterians and Papists as approve of the Bill on the whole, there come bitter complaints of partiality and injustice.

This, however, must be said, that the measure has been prepared with a skill and carefulness and consideration which are far from being so manifest in the second of the Bills now before Parliament-that introduced by the Duke of Argyll for the extension and improvement of EDUCATION IN SCOTLAND. The Duke's Bill certainly does not make upon the reader the same impression of consistency, earnestness, and statesmanlike forethought which appear in the scheme of the Premier. It is a half measure; and its value lies mainly in its laying the rails for future legislation. This is the real inducement to favour the passing of it, if suitably amended. We notice elsewhere some of the objections which have been taken to the measure. Here we shall simply give a brief summary of its provisions. The Bill contemplates the existence of three classes of schools: Old National, Adopted National, and New National Schools-the two first embracing such as are at present parochial and denominational, the last such as it may be thought desirable to add to those already established.

For the management of the scheme, a Central Board is to be instituted, to consist of nine persons-two to be elected by the royal burghs, two by the University Councils, two by the Conveners of Counties, one by the Educational Institute, and two to be appointed by the Crown, one of whom is to act as chairman, with a salary.

With regard to local government, it is proposed to leave the parish schools on their present footing that is, in the hands of the larger heritors and the parish minister. Power is given, however, to the heritors of a parish to relieve themselves of the burden of supporting the school, by transferring the obligation to the ratepayers.

Denominational schools are to be assumed into the system, when the Board approves, on such terms as may be agreed upon between the parties interested. An

these young men have become thoroughly denationalized, and, instead of adding fresh lustre to their country's reputation, have too often brought discredit upon it by silly scoffing at what is noblest in our religious history. Nor do we in the least expect that by the abolition of the tests the influence of the Church of England will be materially lessened. With a more widely-opened door there will simply be a greater rush of Nonconformists to the scene; and we are not without some apprehension that an astute Church paper is right when it says:

"There appears to be little doubt that the University Tests Bill, again introduced by Sir John Coleridge, will, like that for the Abolition of Church Rates, become the law of the land, owing to the much greater zeal exhibited in the attack than in the defence. We have not much confidence in the motives or the language of its champions, but we do not feel the same apprehension as to its results as many of our fellow-Churchmen entertain. We believe that the more Nonconformist students are brought within the atmosphere of our ancient Universities, the less likely are they to continue in the Dissent with which Gower Street would never meddle; and we think it not unlikely that competition, instead of the present monopoly, may give a wholesome stimulus to Catholic teaching, now somewhat languid by the Isis. And, as regards any peril to the faith of the students, we have never seen the use of retaining the Thirty-nine Articles at all; nor do we think any Nonconformist professors and heads could be found more antagonistic to the teaching of the English Church than Professors Payne Smith, Heurtley, and Jowett, Drs. Wynter, Symons, and Liddell, with many others who have signed all the tests, are at this moment."

The BURIALS REGULATION BILL is intended to relieve the Nonconformists of England from a stupid disability. At present all parishioners have a right of sepulture in the parochial churchyard, but the churchyard is regarded as consecrated ground under the special spiritual oversight of the Establishment. Hence the clergyman claims the exclusive right of holding religious services in the place, and if he is not personally satisfied as to the position and prospects of the departed, he may refuso to permit any ceremony at the grave at all. Now this is not a grievance which we would feel in Scotland, because it is not usual with us to have any service at the grave. But in England the case is different. A silent burial is customary only when there has been suicide, and we can well sympathize with the Independents,

We are persuaded that the services of this society are not known or appreciated as they ought to be. There is no country in Europe in so interesting a state as Spain is at this moment; and we shall have good ground for everlasting regret if we let the tide turn again before we have taken full advantage of it. If we had no agency that we could use, or if the agency were under a direction that we could not trust, we might have some excuse for listlessness. But here are trustworthy men in the field waiting to be sent, and here is a society, managed by persons of the very highest repute amongst us, which is prepared to take the oversight of all the work; and it will be in the last degree discreditable to us if, in these circumstances, the cause of Spanish evangelization is left to languish for lack of hearty and generous support.

AMERICAN NOTES.

As the time approaches for the meeting of their Supreme Courts, the Presbyterian Churches which have been negotiating with a view to Union are looking forward with growing confidence to the consummation of their hopes. The Old School men seem now to be willing to surrender the Tenth Article, which expressly reserved to each Presbytery the right to examine even such ordained ministers as were invited to settle within its bounds; and almost all, on both sides, are agreed upon the undesirableness of introducing into the basis of Union any addition to, or explanation of, the pure and simple standards. There are some technical difficulties in the way of the completion of the work in May, but it is not unlikely that these may be got over, and that we may actually hear, in less than a couple of months, of the formation of a Presbyterian Church with upwards of five thousand ministers.

Mr, Joseph M. Wilson, of Philadelphia, has published a pamphlet of" Statistical Tables, showing the Religious Condition of the United States." The tables are prepared from the United States Census of 1860, and show that in the total of church edifices of all kinds there are sittings for 19,128,751 of the 31,500,000 population of country. The total value of these churches in 1860 was £34,300,000. The following are the proportions of church accommodation provided by the various denominations:

Of the church accommodations, nearly 17,000,000 are provided by the Protestant churches commonly called evangelical, so that more than half of the entire population could worship every Sabbath in such churches if they would. The number of sittings provided by the Protestant unevangelical churches is but little over 1,000,000; altogether they are not half as strong as the Presbyterians; and the Methodists outnumber the whole of them nearly six to one. The Methodists also outnumber the Romanists four to one, and the Presbyterians even have nearly twice as many church sittings as the sect that calls herself The Catholic Church." The Methodists, it will be seen, are far ahead of any other church.

Rev. Albert Barnes, the commentator, completed his seventieth year, Friday, December 4th. Writing to a friend, he says:

"I have a great desire to live. I am not tired of life, nor disgusted with the world, nor discouraged or disheartened in regard to the future. I believe that there are glorious things in prospect for our earth, and that it will be a greater thing to live for the next half century than it has been to live in the one that is past, and where we have had something to do. You have the advantage of me in another respect. You have the use of your eyes. I have not, and am obliged to write this letter by the aid of a machine, and this I can use but little. I preach a little, but have no charge, and

THE LORDS ON MISSIONS.

A curious conversation took place a week or two ago in the House of Lords on the subject of Christian Missions. As our readers are aware, some ill feeling has lately been shown in China toward certain missionaries who were not the agents of any of the societies at home, but were labouring in the Celestial Empire on their own responsibility. To protect these men from the outrages with which they were threatened, a hostile demonstration required to be made by the English authorities in China, and there seemed some risk of our being involved in war on their account.

Apropos of this incident, the Duke of Somerset made a violent attack upon missions in general-declared his belief that all missionaries were either enthusiasts or rogues-gave it as his opinion that if men would go forth into heathendom to preach the gospel, they ought to be content to follow in the wake of trade and civilization-and ended by as good as proposing that all English missionaries in China should be recalled.

Happily there were present some who held wholesomer views of the divine commission than did his Grace of Somerset, and among others the new Bishop of Peterborough-better known, as yet, by his plainer name of Dean of Cork. He had never opened his lips in the House before, but he could scarcely sit still while the cause he represented was so grossly traduced; and we can fancy he now rejoices that his maiden speech was spoken in defence of missions.

66

On this debate, the Spectator" has the following pointed remarks:—

means.

"The Lower House of Convocation is of opinion that the Disestablishment of the Irish Church will unChristianize the government of Ireland. We should like, however, to have a little discussion with some of those reverend gentlemen as to what it would need to un-Christianize the government of England. Of course, if they have sunk so completely into the conventional view of things as to hold that the government of England remains Christian, in spite of all that its leading statesmen may believe and do, so long as it legally 'establishes' any form of the Christian faith, and ceases to be Christian, in spite of all that its leading statesmen may believe and do, directly it breaks that legal tie between the secular government and the Church, there is an end of the controversy-and an end which seems to us to prove that the reverend gentlemen who talk of Christianizing and un-Christianizing governments, know nothing at all of what Christian service But if we are to judge by our Lord's own selfdenying spirit of life and actions as to what Christianizes and what un-Christianizes a government, we should certainly have said that Mr. Gladstone is now doing more to Christianize the English government than has been attempted by our, on the whole, manly, and, intentionally at least, just, but decidedly rather pagan Administrations for some generations back. Look only at the spirit of the House of Lords in relation to Christianity as evinced by the very interesting and instructive conversation about our missionaries in China, between the Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Clarendon on the one side, and Earl Grey and the Bishops of St. David's and Peterborough on the other side, last Tuesday evening. The Duke of Somerset's tone was thoroughly scornful to the missionaries as to troublesome enthusiasts who stir up the political waters with their meddling, and who need at least as much curbing as the Roman authorities thought it desirable to apply to St. Paul and the other Christian missionaries of the first age. The Bishop of Peterborough reminded the noble duke that if all missionaries had been prevented in like manner from becoming troublesome' in their day, neither he himself nor the noble duke would now be Christians. But perhaps the Duke of Somerset would, if he were quite frank, admit that there is a question as to the sense in which he is a Christian, as there is certainly such a question as to most of us. Clearly, in one thing, he is not a Christian. He has no belief at all in an aggressive faith that would hazard everything, life itself, for a chance of announcing a revelation. He has no sympathy with the spirit in which the gospel

was first spread. On the contrary, both he and Lord Clarendon, while they regard missionaries as in their place so long as they act as the camp-followers of 'commerce,' and humbly follow 'in its wake'-to use Lord Clarendon's own recommendation to the Missionary Society-condemn these same missionaries strongly for regarding their message as a more important one than that of piece-goods.' Each Foreign Secretary in turn regards it as part of his legitimate policy to enforce the treaty rights of English commerce in China. Only the other day Sir Rutherford Alcock was most peremptory in demanding reparation for some English traders who had been asserting their treaty rights' in the interior. But Foreign Secretary after Foreign Secretary devotes his mind to the problem of curbing missionaries as earnestly as he does to the problem of defending traders in China. Now, what are we to say to that as a symptom of the Christianity of the class of statesmen who preside at our Foreign Office? Can we honestly say that, as a rule, they do think the Christian faith half as important as even the unscrupulous and demoralizing portion of our commerce? Is it possible to misinterpret the tone of the Duke of Somerset's inquiry as to these troublesome people, and Lord Clarendon's reply that he has earnestly recommended them to keep in the wake' of trade? Is it not that Christianity is a very nice sentiment, to be indulged in due season, when all the more important objects of life, like trade, for instance, have been provided for; but that till then, why, statesmen should try to keep down its troublesome zeal, and in order to do so, may well avail themselves of any taunts such as come in their way for instance, that borrowed so eagerly by the Duke of Somerset from some Chinese mandarin, that, at least till France and England have settled their differences as to the relative claims of Roman Catholicism and Protestantism, it will be certainly safer to defer the duty of spreading either faith?"

MISCELLANIES.

Two clergymen of the Church of England have just left our shores for missionary work in India; men of character, standing, and recognized position in the Church; both of Oxford University, where, in their respective colleges, they had graduated in honours twenty-five years ago; subsequently fellows of their colleges; and at the time when they were led to offer themselves for missionary work, holding important and valuable incumbencies-one as vicar of East Ham, diocese of London, and the other as the vicar of St. Paul's Church, Cheltenham.

The Pope is to have trouble with his General Council. The French Emperor has offered a military guard to protect it in the exercise of freedom of discussion, but then he expresses a hope (which in the circumstances sounds very like a demand) that it shall not discuss anything which is inconvenient or disagreeable. At present the French Church enjoys a measure of independence which has been so much of a reality in the hands of the Archbishop of Paris, that a conflict of jurisdictions is even now raging between the supreme and local ecclesiastical authorities; and it is feared, not without reason, that if the personal infallibility of the Sovereign Pontiff is decreed by the Council, “Gallican Liberty" may come to be nowhere.

This is the explanation of the following paragraph in a letter from Rome to the "Pall Mall Gazette":

The cardinalate is offered to the Archbishop of Paris, on condition that he will make a simple statement of the manner in which he has administered his diocese; but he declines to yield even this concession, and will only enter the Sacred College unshackled. Indeed, it is known here that should the question of Gallicanism be raised in the Council, the archbishop will head a protest of the French Episcopacy against its discussion. Hence there is an eager desire to bring him to terms."

Archdeacon Denison has presented a petition to Convocation, asking that he and others should be protected from the imputation of being unfaithful to the Church of England in teaching "that the Eucharist is the Sacrifice of Christ upon the Cross"-that the Eucharistic Sacrifice is "propitiatory and impetratory"-and that its efficacy extends to "the living and faithful departed." We are glad to record that the petition was listened to with signs of impatience; but, alas! for the hope of the triumph of the gospel in the English Church, it was not thought needful to take any further notice of it flan to put it aside.

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