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loaded down with the financial difficulties, wants to conciliate. It requires some courage to meet a not overscrupulous body of men clothed with authority, and who, if they choose, can embarrass the government without financial accountability. The President has held his own very well, considering his surroundings. Seward he probably consults most, and Seward has, as Mr. Clay said of him, 'no convictions.' [He] is an egotist and selfish aspirant. Randall, whose confirmation is understood to have been secured by pledges to radical senators, is greatly under Seward's influence, and the President cannot, with his reticence, avoid committing errors with such advisers. The result is that the President is appointing more enemies than friends, and his administration is thereby weakened.

Saturday, May 4, 1867.

The Judiciary Committee of the House has re-assembled in Washington to pursue enquiries and see if they cannot obtain something on which to impeach the President. No facts, no charges, no malconduct, are known or preferred, for the slip-slop of Ashley was long since discarded, but a standing committee is advertised and has assembled to ascertain whether something cannot be found which may be tortured or twisted against the President, whom they cannot induce to go with them in their revolutionary schemes, and who is, consequently, in their way. A more scandalous villainy never disgraced the country.

Tuesday, June 4, 1867.

The Judiciary Committee have, by a vote of five to four, decided against impeachment, but by a strict party vote passed a resolution of censure against the President. A more shameless and disgraceful proceeding than this whole impeachment conspiracy

has never been enacted. For many months a committee, composed mostly of extreme partisans, has been in session with extraordinary powers to send for persons and papers, and with the public treasury and an army of public scavengers to assist them to find, if possible, some act or transaction, or expression, which would justify or excuse an arraignment of the chief magistrate. His public and his private acts have been scanned, his household affairs, his domestic life, his bankaccounts, his social intercourse, as well as all his speeches, conversations, and doings as a man and President have been scrutinized. Failing in their intrigue, scandal and defamation have been set to work to palliate these outrageous proceedings. Most of the members of the Cabinet, and I believe all but myself, have been summoned before this committee, as well as his private secretaries and members of his family. Why I was spared, I know not. I have an impression and intimations in fact that Stanton proposed and ordered I should not be called. Both he and Seward, in a conversation which took place as to disclosing proceedings in Cabinet, thought the matter might be got along with by answering pretty fully all questions that were put without any allusion to the fact whether it was or was not a cabinet subject. I doubted whether it was right to disclose what had occurred in Cabinet, to such a committee, perhaps to any one at present.

Friday, June 7, 1867. Admiral Farragut went home today. He has been my guest for a week. Gave him yesterday his orders to the European squadron and he expects to sail within a fortnight. In bidding him good-bye I was more affected than he was aware, and I perceived that he was to some extent similarly affected. We have both reached that period of

life when a parting of two years may be a parting forever on earth. Circumstances have brought us together and we are under mutual obligations. I selected him for important duties and he proved himself worthy of the trust and confidence. In addition to his great, unsurpassed service to the country, he has given just fame to my administration of the navy, and I honor him for his unnecessary modesty as well as for possessing the heroic qualities which I expected. I trust we may live to meet again on earth and enjoy memories of the past. If not, God's will be done. I esteem the choice of Farragut to command the Gulf squadron the most judicious and best selection which could have been made in the entire service. I consider him the great hero of the war, and am happy in the thought that I was the means of carrying him to the head of his profession where he had an opportunity to develop his power and ability.

Saturday, June 8, 1867.

The President and party returned today from North Carolina. All appears to have passed off well.

There is much talk and feeling in regard to Sheridan's movements, which are arbitrary, tyrannical, and despotic. His removal of Wells, the poor governor of Louisiana, is justified by most of the radicals, although it is an outrage on our laws and institutions. The trimming course of Wells and his want of honest character palliates Sheridan's conduct, which, however, is wholly indefensible.

Thursday, June 27, 1867.

Montgomery Blair has become quite indifferent in regard to the fate of President Johnson. Says he is completely under the dominion of Seward and Stanton, who have demoralized him, that the President has listened to

them until he has become nervous and apprehensive, without resolute courage to carry out or maintain his conviction, and that he is in constant dread of impeachment.

Blair is shrewd and observing, though of strong prejudices. He thinks it absolutely necessary to revive the Democratic party and its organization in order to rescue the government from centralizing hands. This has been the policy of himself and some others for some time past. The policy has its disadvantages as well as advantages. One cause of the failure of the Union movement1 a year since was the attempt to bring forward as leaders and candidates those Democrats who had made themselves obnoxious for their extreme partisanship, and especially their opposition to the measures of the government for the preservation of the Union. The people were not disposed to invest copperheads,' rebel-sympathizers, and rebels, with power while the soil was yet wet with the blood of patriots; and Blair and others injure themselves at this time in pressing forward prematurely that class of persons. In the conversation to-day, we spoke of Grant in connection with the presidency, and from present indications I expressed the opinion that he was disposed to be a candidate, and if so, he would probably be elected. Blair said he could not be if he was the radical candidate. I said Grant would endeavor to be the army and union candidate; [that] without much political intelligence or principle, he had party cunning and would strive to be a candidate but not strictly a party candidate; that the radicals did not want him, but they could not help themselves nor perhaps could Grant. They felt that they must nominate him in order that they might succeed; he felt

1 A political movement in support of Johnson's policies.

that he could not reject their candidacy, if they took him up, but really prefers the Democrats to the Republicans.

Blair has been and still is friendly to Grant, but perceives that G[rant] is becoming alienated from old friends and getting in with new ones, and it rouses his opposition. I asked whom he would have for a candidate in opposition to Grant. He said he cared not who it was. 'Nor I,' was my reply, 'but whom can you present?' He said McClellan. "That,' said I, 'insures defeat. The people will not, and I think ought not to, rally under him.'

Friday, June 28, 1867.

A committee is in session to enquire into the ordnance transactions of the War and Navy Department, composed of as unprincipled a set of scoundrels, with scarcely an exception, as is in Congress. I have told Wise, Chief of Ordnance in Naval Bureau, to give them every facility for enquiry; if he, or any one, had done wrong I desired it should be exposed.

Saturday, June 29, 1867.

The President and party are expected home to-day. They have had, apparently, a pleasant tour. Too much speaking, but less than in the Chicago jaunt last year.

Sunday, June 30, 1867.

Called this morning on the President and congratulated him on his safe return, in apparently improved health. He was very cordial, disposed to talk. Was not fully posted on occurrences and events of the last ten days. Talked of Sheridan, of Congress, of Stanbery's opinions, etc. In regard to Stanton, he expressed himself convinced that he had played a part for himself, had an

understanding with the violent radicals, had embarrassed the administration and thwarted its policy-and he was surprised that Stanton should persist in holding on to his place, and mixing with us. I remarked it was now of little consequence. He had so managed with the radicals as to cripple the administration until it was powerless, and he might remain on to the close, or he might leave soon. The President assented, presumed Stanton intended to be a candidate.

Wednesday, July 10, 1867.

The loose, reckless violence, and inconsiderate action of Congress, make it irksome and painful for me to read their proceedings. How little regard have the members for their oaths and their country's welfare! The worst principles of tyranny and outrage, they avow and encourage. The President is coarsely, falsely and vindictively assailed by leaders as well as by followers, who are secretly prompted. The Constitution and its limitations are ridiculed and contemned.

Senator Wade equivocates and backs down from his recent aggressive speech. Instead of a step in advance as he boasted, he takes a step to the rear.

A curious letter in the New York Herald, reciting a conversation and certain avowals of Thad Stevens, is attracting attention, and he, to-day, on the floor of the House, made remarks on the letter. Almost all which this vicious old man does is premeditated, dramatic, and for effect. The letter was, evidently, carefully prepared by himself. Not that he wrote it, but the correspondent had the catechism and answers furnished him. Stevens is perhaps a worthy leader for such a party the 'Great Commoner.'

(To be continued.)

A LETTER TO MR. WILLIAM DE MORGAN

BY CHARLOTTE PRENTISS HARDIN

If it is true that no lady in Society would ever speak of her daughter as Miss Peggy, and if a previous knowledge of that fact entitles one to a position in the above-mentioned Body, I feel that at this moment I should be covered with confusion upon finding myself addressing in person a gentleman who has never been presented to me, and of whom I know nothing except his name and the fact, gleaned from an examination of covers, that he is classed in the Public Library as 823D, according to a system which I have been assured is simple, but which I have never been able to fathom. It is true that, in order to do so, I should be obliged to ask somebody about it, or even read a book about it. I prefer, however, to leave the subject wrapped in mystery, together with so many others connected with the great Public Library; as for instance, why they always say, 'Please leave your umbrella to be checked,' and you say, 'I am only going in the shelves a moment,' and they take the umbrella from you and say, 'No matter, it must be checked'; and when you come for it in, say, three minutes, just to show that you meant what you said, it is impossible to get the knot untied and the check must not be torn; or else you lose the check and have to send for the Librarian whose Aunt lives in the next street but one from you, and who would naturally be able to vouch for you.

But this has nothing to do with what I wanted to tell you, which is, that you have made me wish that I could offer

a belated apology to a story that I read a long time ago. I remember writing one of my first College Essays on this book, and denouncing it because the Author would not remain in the background, but persisted in saying what he thought about this and that. A newly acquired thirst for UNITY (vide Thompson's Aids to Literary Criticism) drove the members of the class to a most insulting attack on the book. This, it seemed, was filled with the Author's Personality; and we were assured by Thompson that such Personalities were not desirable, as interfering with the Progress of the Plot. Upon looking back I can see that it was the fault of the Author's Personality, or possibly my fault. Certainly not that of the book. If the Personality had been of the proper strain, all would have been well, in spite of Thompson.

What for instance should we do without your Personality? Not to say that your plots and characters are entirely unsatisfactory; but we like to hear what you have to say; we do not skip you. Which is the highest form of compliment. The most we say is that you are unconventional; but after reading some of the late works of Mr. Chesterton, we are rather in doubt as to whether or not you are not really conventional. For Mr. Chesterton, who is himself a most conventional person, tells us that Conventions are not the dead stiff things we used to think them. Not at all: they are alive and bristling, full of good red blood and ready to shed it all upon attack, at the same time

retaining all of their good red blood in order to enable them to continue being re-blooded. This seems But you will understand; it is really quite simple, and we have only to go on saying so very fast, and other things also, so as not to stop: such as, that Shaw is absurdly transparent; and that children should not be scorched to make them dread the fire, for fear that later on some injudicious parent may strangle its offspring in order to make it careful to avoid running risks which might terminate in fatal accidents.

You are not to think that I am running down Mr. Chesterton; I have a great admiration for him in his balanced moments, which are many, and more beautifully balanced than those of almost any other contemporary writer; so that, besides the inner meaning, we get the pleasure of that even sensation produced by seeing an Acrobat on a tight-rope; and when he (Mr. C.) does tip over the balance, he is usually brilliantly incomprehensible, and so it is all right and as it should be. And so let me get on to something else, which is some more about Public Libraries.

Of course, you know that they buy You and paste a strip of paper across the front cover saying 'Seven-Day Book,' and charge two cents a day overdues and no reduction made on account of Holidays as you should have allowed for that; and under no circumstances can it be renewed even on another ticket. This is sometimes a disadvantage, as you must know, dear Mr. De Morgan, that your books are occasionally long; in fact, I found written at the end of one of them in a flowing hand, 'A sweet story, a little long.'

These notes, by the way, are very interesting to one who has frequented the P. L. for years. One gets so that one can tell from the passages marked what kind of party the reader has been. Impassioned passages (not to be found

in your works), such as, 'Ethel, I adore the ground your tiny feet have trod,' this marked once with a pencil, lightly, indicates a spinster and some old sweet love-affair. Two heavy pencil-marks give away the secret of some lovesick Miss; while the gentleman so entangled never uses a pencil, but scores heavily with his thumb-nail, leaving marks all through the following thirty pages, to the bewilderment of the next reader. This thumb-nail method, by the way, is used by the best people, but never on Seven-Day Books: one finds their approval streaked along passages of Maeterlinck, — preferably passages containing an Uplift. Those of this class who use a pencil have something to say, often a clever comment; one hopes the Librarian will not find it. But for such illuminating comments as 'Sweet,' 'Just like R. H.,' 'How True,' - one must turn to the Seven-Day Books.

etc.

I have often thought that it is unfair to such a writer as the author of the Yellow Car or the Brass Bag to be placed upon the same shelf with You (the Capital letter not conveying a misleading sense of your importance, but seeming a respectful mode of address). Think of the down-lift (if up, why not down?) of Miss Gladys Mae Harrison, when she opens your book and reads about Pope and Chappell and the Appropriateness of-was it Jonah? (I have returned the book.) Not even the hint of a ghost-story will lure her a line further; naturally she bangs the book to, and shoves it back on the shelf between Pam Decides and The Secret Agent, and goes off for one of the good old regulars, old numbers of favorite authors that can be kept two weeks and renewed for Hilda to read. For all Seven-Day Books are not golden: and there is so much of Gladys Mae!

However, I must tell you that your books are very well thumbed, covers

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