Macdowall, we have great doubts whether the Mad- | mankind, as the reverend prelate has done to abridge ras government ought not to have suffered Colonel them. Monro to be put upon his trial; and to punish the officers who solicited that trial for the purgation of their own characters, appears to us (whatever the intention was) to have been an act of mere tyranny. We think, too, that General Macdowall was very hastily and unadvisedly removed from his situation; and upon the unjust treatment of Colonel Capper and Major Boles there can scarcely be two opinions. In the progress of the mutiny, instead of discovering in the Madras government any appearances of temper and wisdom, they appear to us to have been quite as much irritated, and heated as the army, and to have been betrayed into excesses nearly as criminal, and infinitely more contemptible and puerile. The head of a great kingdom bickering with his officers about invitations to dinner-the commander-in-chief of the forces negotiating that the dinner should be loyally eaten-the obstinate absurdity of the test-the total want of selection in the objects of punishment-and the wickedness, or the insanity, of teaching the Sepoy to rise against his European officer-the contempt of the decision of juries in civil cases-and the punishment of the juries themselves; such a system of conduct as this would infallibly doom any individual to punish ment, if it did not, fortunately for him, display precisely that contempt of men's feelings, and that passion for insulting multitudes, which is so congenial to our present government at home, and which passes now so currently for wisdom and courage. By these means, the liberties of great nations are frequently destroyed-and destroyed with impunity to the perpetrators of the crime. In distant colonies, however, governors who attempt the same system of tyranny are in no little danger from the indignation of their subjects; for though men will often yield up their happiness to kings who have been always kings, they are not inclined to show the same deference to men who have been merchants' clerks yesterday, and are kings to-day. From a danger of this kind, the governor of Madras appears to us to have very narrowly escaped. We sincerely hope that he is grateful for his good luck; and that he will now awake from his gorgeous dreams of mercantile monarchy, to good nature, moderation, and common sense.

BISHOP OF LINCOLN'S CHARGE.
REVIEW, 1813.)

A Charge delivered to the Clergy of the Diocese of Lincoln, at
the Triennial Vistation of that Diocese in May, June, and
July, 1812. By George Tomline, D. D., F. R. S., Lord
Bishop of Lincoln. London. Cadell & Co. 4to.

We must begin with denying the main position upon which the Bishop of Lincoln has built his reasoning-The Catholic Religion is not tolerated in England. No man can be fairly said to be permitted to enjoy his own worship who is punished for exercising that worship. His fordship seems to have no other idea of punishment, than lodging a man in the Poultry compter, or flogging him at the cart's tail, or fining him a sum of money;-just as if incapacitating a man from enjoying the dignities and emoluments to which men of similar condition, and other faith, may fairly aspire, was not frequently the most severe and gall ing of all punishments. This limited idea of the na ture of punishment is the more extraordinary, as inca pacitation is actually one of the most common punishments in some branches of our law. The sentence of a court-martial frequently purports, that a man is rendered for ever incapable of serving his majesty, &c. &c.; and a person not in holy orders, who performs the functions of a clergyman, is rendered for over incapable of holding any preferment in the church. There are, indeed, many species of offence for which no punishment more apposite and judicious could be devised. It would be rather extraordinary, however, if the court, in passing such a sentence, were to as sure the culprit, that such incapacitation was not by them considered as a punishment; that it was only exercising a right inherent in all governments, of determining who should be eligible for office and who ineligible.' His lordship thinks the toleration complete, because he sees a permission in the statutes for the exercise of the Roman Catholic worship. He sees the permission-but he does not choose to see the consequences to which they are exposed who avail themselves of this permission. It is the liberality of a father who says to his son, 'Do as you please, my dear boy; follow your own inclination. Judge for yourself; you are as free as air. But remember, if you marry that lady, I will cut you off with a shilling.' We have scarcely ever read a more solemn and frivolous statement than the Bishop of Lincoln's antitheti cal distinction between persecution and the denial of political power.

'It is sometimes said, that papists, being excluded from power, are consequently persecuted; as if exclusion from power and religious persecution were convertible terms. But surely this is to confound things totally distinct in their (EDINBURGH nature. Persecution inflicts positive punishment upon persons who hold certain religious tenets, and endeavours to accomplish the renunciation and extinction of those tenets by forcible means: exclusion from power is entirely nega tive in its operation-it only declares, that those who hold certain opinions shall not fill certain situations; but it ac knowledges men to be perfectly free to hold those opinions, Persecution compels men to adopt a prescribed faith, or to suffer the loss of liberty, property, or even life: exclusion from power prescribes no faith; it allows men to think and Persecution requires men to worship God in one and in no believe as they please, without molestation or interference. other way; exclusion from power neither commands nor forbids any mode of divine worship-it leaves the business of religion, where it ought to be left, to every man's judgment and conscience. Persecution proceeds from a bigoted and sanguinary spirit of intolerance; exclusion from power is founded in the natural and rational principle of self-proand to individuals. History informs us of the mischievous tection and self-preservation, equally applicable to nations and fatal effects of the one, and proves the expediency and necessity of the other.'-(pp. 16, 17.)

It is a melancholy thing to see a man, clothed in soft raiment, lodged in a public palace, endowed with a rich portion of the product of other men's industry, using all the influence of his splendid situation, however conscientiously, to deepen the ignorance, and inflame the fury, of his fellow-creatures. These are the miserable results of that policy which has been so frequently pursued for these fifty years past, of placing men of mean, or middling abilities, in high ecclesiastical stations. In ordinary times, it is of less importance who fills them; but when the bitter period arrives, in which the people must give up some of their darling absurdities ;-when the senseless clamour, which has been carefully handed down from father fool to son fool, can be no longer indulged ;-when it is of incalculable importance to turn the people to a better way of thinking; the greatest impediments to all amelioration are too often found among those to whose councils, at such periods, the country ought to look for wis. We will suppress, however, the feel. ings of indignation which such productions, from such men, naturally occasion. We will give the Bishop of Lincoln credit for being perfectly sincere; we will suppose, that every argument he uses has not been used and refuted ten thousand times before; and we will sit down as patiently to defend the religious liberties of

dom and peace.

It is impossible to conceive the mischief which this mean and cunning prelate did at this period.

We will venture to say, there is no one sentence in this extract which does not contain either a contradiction, or a misstatement. For how can that law acknowledge men to be perfectly free to hold an opini on, which excludes from desirable situations all who hold that opinion? How can that law be said neither to molest, nor interfere, which meets a man in every branch of industry and occupation, to institute an inquisition into his religious opinions? And how is the business of religion left to every man's own judgment and conscience, where so powerful a bonus is given to one set of religious opinions, and such a mark of infa my and degradation fixed upon all other modes of belief? But this is comparatively a very idle part of

the question. Whether the present condition of the Catholics is or is not to be denominated a perfect state of toleration, is more a controversy of words than things. That they are subject to some restraints, the bishop will admit the important question is, whether or not these restraints are necessary? For his lordship will, of course, allow, that every restraint upon human liberty is an evil in itself: and can only be justified by the superior good which it can be shown to produce. My lord's fears upon the subject of Catholic emancipation are conveyed in the following paragraph:

It is a principle of our constitution, that the king should have advisers in the discharge of every part of his royal functions and is it to be imagined that Papists would advise measures in support of the cause of Protestantism? A similar observation may be applied to the two Houses of Parliament: would Popish peers or Popish members of the House of Commons, enact laws for the security of the Protestant government? Would they not rather repeal the whole Protestant code, and make Popery again the established religion of the country?'— (p. 14.)

and then treating of them as if they deserved the active and present attention of serious men. But if no measure is to be carried into execution, and if no provision is safe in which the minute inspection of an ingenious man cannot find the possibility of danger, then all inhuman action is impeded, and no human institution is safe or commendable. The king has the power of pardoning, and so every species of guilt may remain unpunished: he has a negative upon legislative acts, and so no law may pass. None but Presbyterians may be returned to the House of Commons,-and so the Church of England may be voted down. The Scottish and Irish members may join together in both houses, and dissolve both unions. If probability is put out of sight, and if, in the enumeration of dangers, it is sufficient to state any which, by remote contingency, may happen, then it is time we should begin to provide against all the host of perils which we have just enumerated, and which are many of them as likely to happen, as those which the reverend prelate has stated in his charge. His lordship forgets that the Catholics are not asking for election but for elegibility

And these are the apprehensions which the clergy-not to be admitted into the cabinet, but not to be of the diocese have prayed my lord to make public. excluded from it. A century may elapse before any Kind Providence never sends an evil without a rem- Catholic actually becomes a member of the cabinet; edy:-and arithmetic is the natural cure for the pas- and no event can be more utterly destitute of probabilsion of fear. If a coward can be made to count his ity, than that they should gain an ascendency there, enemies, his terrors may be reasoned with, and he may and direct that ascendency against the Protestant inthink of ways and means of counteraction. Now, terest. If the bishop really wishes to know upon what might it not have been expedient that the reverend our security is founded;-it is upon the prodigious and prelate, before he had alarmed his country clergy with decided superiority of the Protestant interest in the Britthe idea of so large a measure as the repeal of Protes- ish nation, and in the United Parliament. No Protesttantism, should have counted up the probable number ant king would select such a cabinet, or countenance of Catholics who would be seated in both houses of such measures; no man would be mad enough to atParliament? Does he believe that there would be ten tempt them; the English Parliament and the English Catholic peers, and thirty Catholic commoners? But, people would not endure it for a moment. No man, admit double that number, (and more, Dr. Duigenan indeed, under the sanctity of the mitre, would have himself would not ask,)-will the Bishop of Lincoln se- ventured such an extravagant opinion.-Wo to him, if riously assert, that he thinks the whole Protestant he had been only a dean. But, in spite of his veneracode in danger of repeal from such an admixture of ble office, we must express our decided belief, that his Catholic legislators as this? Does he forget, amid the lordship (by no means adverse to a good bargain) innumerable answers which may be made to such sort would not pay down five pounds, to receive fifty milof apprehensions, what a picture he is drawing of the lion for his posterity, whether the majority of the weakness and versatility of Protestant principles?-cabinet should be (Catholic emancipation carried) that an handful of Catholics, in the bosom of a Protes- members of the Catholic religion. And yet, upon such tant legislature, is to overpower the ancient jealousies, terrors as these, which, when put singly to him, his the fixed opinions, the inveterate habits of twelve mil- better senses would laugh at, he has thought fit to exlions of people?-that the king is to apostatize, the cite his clergy to petition, and done all in his power to clergy to be silent, and the Parliament to be taken by increase the mass of hatred against the Catholics. surprise?-that the nation is to go to bed over night, and to see the Pope walking arm in arm with Lord Castlereagh the next morning ?-One would really suppose, from the bishop's fears, that the civil defences of mankind were, like their military bulwarks, trans. ferred, by superior skill and courage, in a few hours, from the vanquished to the victor-that the distruction of a church was like the blowing up of a mine, deans, prebendaries, churchwardens and overseers, all up in the air in an instant. Does his lordship really imagine, when the mere dread of the Catholics becoming legislators has induced him to charge his clergy, and his agonized clergy, to extort from their prelate the publication of the charge, that the full and mature danger will produce less alarm than the distant suspicion of it has done in the present instance ?-that the Protestant writers, whose pens are now up to the feather in ink, will at any future period, yield up their church without passion, pamphlet, or pugnacity? We do not blame the Bishop of Lincon for being afraid; but we blame him for not rendering his fears intelligible and tangible for not circumscribing and particularizing them by some individual case-for not showing us how it is possible that the Catholics (granting their intentions to be as bad as possible) should ever be able to ruin the Church of England. His lordship appears to be in a fog? and as daylight breaks in upon him, he will be rather disposed to disown his panic. The noise he hears is not roaring,-but braying; the teeth and the mane are all imaginary; there is nothing but ears. It is not a lion that stops the way, but

It is true enough, as his lordship remarks, that events do not depend upon laws alone, but upon the wishes and intentions of those who administer these laws. But then his lordship totally puts out of sight two considerations-the improbability of Catholics ever reaching the highest offices of the state-and those fixed Protestant opinions of the country, which would render any attack upon the established church so hopeless and, therefore, so improbable. Admit a supposition (to us perfectly ludicrous, but still neces sary to the bishop's argument), that the cabinet council consisted entirely of Catholics, we should even then have no more fear of their making the English people Catholics, than we should have of a cabinet of butchers making the Hindoos eat beef. The bishop has not stated the true and great security for any course of human actions. It is not the word of the law, nor the spirit of the government, but the general way of thinking among the people, especially when that way of thinking is ancient, exercised upon high interests, and connected with striking passages in history. The Protestant church does not rest upon the little narrow foundations where the Bishop of Lincoln supposes it to be placed: if it did, it would not be worth saving. It rests upon the general opinion enter. tained by a free and reflecting people, that the doctrines of the church are true, her pretensions moderate, and her exhortations useful. It is accepted by a people who have, from good taste, an abhorrence of sacerdotal mummery; and from good sense, a dread of sacerdotal ambition. Those feelings, so generally diffused, and so clearly pronounced on all occasions, are our real bulwarks against the Catholic religion, and the real cause which makes it so safe for the best

friends of the church to diminish (by abolishing the | test laws), so very fertile a source of hatred to the

In the 15th page of his lordship's charge, there is an argument of a very curious nature.

Let us suppose,' (says the Bishop of Lincoln), that there had been no test laws, no disabling statutes, in the year 1745, when an attempt was made to overthrow the Protestant government, and to place a popish sovereign upon the throne of these kingdoms; and let us suppose, that the leading men in the houses of Parliament, that the ministers of state, and the commanders of our armies, had then been Papists. Will any one contend, that that formidable rebellion, supported as it was by a foreign enemy, would have been resisted with the same zeal, and suppressed with the same facility, as when all the measures were planned and executed by sincere Protestants !'-(p. 15.)

And so his lordship means to infer, that it would be head of our church, without being subject to any foreign foolish to abolish the laws against the Catholics now, power; and it is expressly said, that the Bishop of Rome because it would have been foolish to have abolished Papists assert, that the Pope is supreme head of the whole On the contrary, has no jurisdiction within these realms. them at some other period ;-that a measure must be Christian church, and that allegiance is due to him from bad, because there was formerly a combination of cir- every individual member, in all spiritual matters. This dicumstances, when it would have been bad. His lord-rect opposition to one of the fundamental principles of the ship might, with almost equal propriety, debate what ecclesiastical part of our constitution, is alone sufficient to ought to be done if Julius Cæsar were about to make a descent upon our coasts; or lament the impropriety of emancipating the Catholics, because the Spanish Armada was putting to sea. The fact is, that Julius Cæsar is dead-the Spanish Armada was defeated in the reign of Queen Elizabeth-for half a century there has been no disputed succession-the situation of the world is changed-and, because it is changed, we can do now what we could not do then. And no thing can be more lamentable than to see this respectable prelate wasting his resources in putting imaginary and inapplicable cases, and reasoning upon their solution, as if they had anything to do with present

'Oh! let me taste thee unexcis'd by kings.'

The following strikes us as a very lively picture of the ruin and extravagance of a fashionable house in a great metropolis.

ating and disgusting, but at the same time most edify. | the most household and parturient woman in England ing spectacle, which has lately been exhibited by the could not exceed ;-but the thing wanted was the anti-Catholic addressers. That so great a number of wrong man, the gentleman without the ring-the maspersons should have been found with such a proclivity ter unsworn to at the altar-the person unconsecrated to servitude (for honest bigotry had but little to do by priestswith the matter), as to rush forward with clamours in favour of intolerance, upon a mere surmise that this would be accounted as acceptable service by the present possessors of patronage and power, affords a more humiliating and discouraging picture of the present spirit of the country, than any thing else that has occurred in our remembrance. The edifying part of the spectacle is the contempt with which their officious devotions have been received by those whose favour they were intended to purchase, and the universal scorn and derision with which they were regarded by independent men of all parties and persuasions. The catastrophe, we think, teaches two lessons ;-one to the time-servers themselves, not to obtrude their servility on the government, till they have reasonable ground to think it is wanted;-and the other to the nation at large, not to imagine that a base and interested clamour in favour of what is supposed to be agreeable to government, however loudly and extensively sounded, affords any indication at all, either of the general sense of the country, or even of what is actually contemplated by those in the administration of its affairs. The real sense of the country has been proved, on this occasion, to be directly against those who presumptuously held themselves out as its organs; and even the ministers have made a respectaable figure, compared with those who assumed the character of their champions.

MADAME D'EPINAY. (EDINBurgh Review, 1818.) Mémoires et Correspondence de Madame D'Epinay. 3 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1818.

Deux la

M. d'Epinay a complété son domestique. Il a trois laquais, et moi deux; je n'en ai pas voulu davantage. Il a un valet de chambre; et il vouloit aussi que je prisse une seconde femme, mais comme je n'en ai que faire, j'ai tenu bon. Enfin les officiers, les femmes, les valets se montent au nombre de seize. Quoique la vie que je mène soit assez uniforme, j'espère n'etre pas obligée d'en changer. Celle de M. d'Epinay est différente. Lorsqu'il est levé, son valet de chambre se met en devoir de l'accommoder. quais sont debout à attendre ordres. Le premier secretaire vient avec l'intention de lui rendre compte des lettres qu'il a recues de son départment, et qu'il est chargé d'ouvrir; il doit lire les réponses et les faire signer; mais il est interrompu deux cents fois dans cette occupation par toutes sortes d'espèces imaginables. C'est un maquignon qui a des chevaux uniques à vendre, mais qui sont retenus par un seigneur: ainsi il est venu pour ne pas manquer à sa parole; car on lui en donneroit le double, qu'on ne pourroit faire. Il en fait une description séduisante, on demande le prix. Le seigneur un tel en offre soixante louis.-Je vous en donne cent.-Cela est inutile, à moins qu'il ne se dédise. Cependant l'on conclut à cent louis sans les avoir vus, car le lendemain le seigneur ne manque pas de se dédire: voilà ce que j'ai vu et entendu la semaine dernière.

Ensuite c'est un polisson qui vient brailler un air, et à qui on accorde sa protection pour le faire entrer à l'Opéra, après lui avoir donné quelques leçons de bon goût, et lui avoir appris ce que c'est que la propreté du chant françois; c'est une demoiselle qu'on fait attendre pour savoir si je suis encore là. Je me lève et je m'en vais; les deux laquais ouvrent les deux battans pour me laisser sortir, moi qui passerois alors par le trou d'une aiguille; et les deux estafiers crient dans l'anti-chambre: Madame, messieurs, voilà madame. Tout le monde se range en haie, et ces messieurs sont des marchands d'étoffes, des marchands d'instrumens, des bijoutiers, des colporteurs, des laquais, des décroteurs, des créanciers; enfin tout ce que vous pouvez imaginer de plus ridicule et de plus affligeant. Midi ou une heure sonne avant que cette toilette soit achevée, et le secrétaire, qui, sans doute, sait par expérience l'impossibilité de rendre un compte détaillé des affaires, a un petit bordereau qu'il remet entre les mains de son maitre pour l'instruire de ce qu'il doit dire à l'assemblée. Une autre fois il sort à pied ou en son, dine tête à tête avec moi, ou admet en tiers son premier secrétaire qui lui parle de la nécessite de fixer chaque article de dépense, de donner des délégations pour tel ou tel objet. La seule réponse est: Nous verrons cela. Ensuite il court le monde et les spectacles; et il soupe en ville quand il n'a personne à souper chez lui. Je vois que mon temps de repos est fini.'-I. pp. 308-310.

THERE used to be in Paris, under the ancient regime, a few women of brilliant talents, who violated all the common duties of life, and gave very pleasant little suppers. Among these supped and sinned Madame d'Epinay-the friend and companion of Rousseau, Diderot, Grimm, Holbach, and many other literary persons of distinction of that period. Her principal lover was Grimm; with whom was deposited, written in feigned names, the history of her life. Grimm died-fiacre, rentre à deux heures, fait comme un brûleur de maihis secretary sold the history-the feigned names have been exchanged for the real ones-and her works now appear abridged in three volumes octavo. Madame d'Epinay, though far from an immaculate character, has something to say in palliation of her irregularities. Her husband behaved abominably; and alienated, by a series of the most brutal injuries, an attachmeht which seems to have been very ardent and sincere, and which, with better treatment would probably have been lasting. For, in all her aberrations, Mad. d'Epinay seems to have had a tendency to be constant. Though extremely young when separarated from her husband, she indulged herself with but two lovers for the rest of her life-to the first of whom she seems to have been perfectly faithful, till he left her at the end of ten or twelve years; and to Grimm, by whom he was succeeded, she seems to have given no rival till the day of her death. The account of the life she led, both with her husband and her lovers, brings upon the scene a great variety of French characters, and lays open very completely the interior of French life and manners. But there are some letters and passages which cught not to have been published; which a sense of common decency and morality ought to have suppressed; and which, we feel assured, would never have seen the light in this country.

A French woman seems almost always to have wanted the flavour of prohibition as a necessary condiment to human life. The provided husband was rejected, and the forbidden husband introduced in ambiguous light, through posterns and secret partitions. It was not the union to one man that was objected tofor they dedicated themselves with a constancy which

A very prominent person among the early friends of Madame d'Epinay, is Mademoiselle d'Ette, a woman of great French respectability, and circulating in the best society; and, as we are painting French manners, we shall make no apology to the serious part of our English readers, for inserting this sketch of her histo. ry and character by her own hand.

discrétion: dites-moi naturellement quelle opinion on a de 'Je connois, me dit-elle ensuite, votre franchise et votre mois dans le monde. La meilleure, lui dis-je, et telle que vous ne pourriez la conserver si vous pratiquiez la morale que vous venez de me prêcher. Voilà où je vous attendois, me det-elle. Depuis dix ans que j'ai perdu ma mère, je fus séduite par le chevalier de Valory qui m'avoit vu, pour ainsi dire, elever; mon extréme jeunesse et la confiance que j'avois en lui ne me permirent pas d'abord de me défier de ses vues. Je fus longtemps à m'en apercevoir, et lorsque je m'en aperçus, j'avois pris tant de goût pour lui, que je n'eus pas la force de lui résister. Il me vint des scrupules; il les leva, en me promettant de m'épouser. Il y travailla en effet; mais voyant l'opposition que sa famille y apportoit à cause de la disproportion d'age et de mon peu de fortune; et me trouvant, d'ailleurs, heureuse comme j'étois, je fus la première à étouffer mes scrupules, d'autant plus qu'il est assez pauvre. Il commençoit à faire des réflexions, je lui proposai de continuer à vivre comme nous étions; il l'accepta. Je quittai ma province, et je le suivis à Paris; vous voyez comme j'y vis. Quatre fois la semaine il passe sa journée chez moi; le reste du temps nous nous

contentons réciproquement d'apprendre de nos nouvelles, à moies que le hasard ne nous fasse rencontrer. Nous vivons heureux, contens; peut-être ne le serions nous pas tant si nous étions mariés.'-I. pp. 111, 112.

This seems a very spirited, unincumbered way of passing through life; and it is some comfort, therefore, to a matrimonial English reader, to find Mademoiselle d'Ette kicking the chevalier out of doors towards the end of the second volume. As it is a scene very edifying to rakes, and those who decry the happiness of the married state, we shall give it in the words of Madame d'Epinay.

or a grave, is much the same thing. In London,
as in law, de non apparentibus, et non existentibus eadem
est ratio.
This is the account Madame d'Epinay gives of
Rousseau soon after he had retired into the hermitage.

J'ai été il y a deux jours à la Chevrette, pour terminer quelques affaires avant de m'y établir avec mes enfans. J'avois fait prévenir Rousseau de mon voyage: il est venu me voir. Je crois qu'il a besoin de ma présence, et que la solitude a déjà agité sa bile. Il se plaint de tout le monde. Diderot doit toujours aller, et ne va jamais le voir; M. Grimm le néglige; le Baron d'Holbach l'ouble; Gauffecourt et moi seulement avons encore des égards pour lui, dit-il ; j'ai voulu les justifier; cela n'a pas réussi. J'espère qu'il sera beaucoup plus a la Chevrette qu'à l'Hermitage. Je suis persuadée qu'il n'y a que façon de prendre cet homme pour le rendre heureux; c'est de feindre de ne pas prendre garde à lui, et s'en occuper sans cesse; c'est pour cela que je n'insistai point pour le retenir, lorsqu'il m'eut dit qu'il vouloit s'en retourner à l'Hermitage, quoiqu'il fût tard et malgré le mauvais temps.'-II. pp. 253, 254.

Une nuit, dont elle avoit passé las plus grande partie dans l'inquiétude, elle entre chez le chevalier: il dormoit; elle le réveille, s'assied sur son lit, et entame une explication avec toute la violence et la fureur qui l'animoient. Le chevalier, après avoir employé vainement, pour le calmer, tous les moyens que sa bonté naturelle lui suggéra, lui signifia enfin très-précisément qu'il alloit se séparer d'elle pour toujours, et fuir un enfer auquel il ne pouvoit plus tenir. Cette confidence, qui n'étoit pas faite pour l'appaiser, redoubla sa rage. Puisqu'il est ainsi, dit-elle, sortez tout à Jean Jacques Rousseau seems, as the reward of l'heure de chez moi; vous deviez partir dans quatre jours, genius and fine writing, to have claimed an exemption c'est vous rendre service de vous faire partir dans l'instant. from all moral duties. He borrowed and begged, and Tout ce qui est ici m'appartient; le bail est en mon nom: never paid;-put his children in a poor house-betrayil ne me convient plus de vous souffrir chez moi: levez-ed his friends-insulted his benefactors-and was guilvous, monsieur, et songez à ne rien emporter sans ma per-ty of every species of meanness and mischief. His mission.'-II. pp. 193, 194. vanity was so great, that it was almost impossible to keep pace with it by any activity of attention; and his suspicion of all mankind amounted nearly, if not altogether, to insanity. The following anecdote, however, is totally clear of any symptom of derangement, and carries only the most rooted and disgusting selfishness.

Our English method of asking leave to separate from Sir William Scott and Sir John Nicol is surely better

than this.

Any one who provides good dinners for clever people, and remembers what they say, cannot fail to write entertaining Mémoires. Among the early friends of Madame d'Epinay was Jean Jacques Rousseau-she lived with him in considerable intimacy; and no small part of her book is taken up with accounts of his eccentricity, insanity, and vice.

'Rousseau vous a donc dit qu'il n'avoit pas porté son ouvrage à Paris? Il en a menti, car il n'a fait son voyage que pour cela. J'ai reçu hier une lettre de Diderot, qui peint votre hermite comme si je le voyois. Il a fait ces deux lieues à pied, est venu s'établir chez Diderot sans Nous avons débuteé par l'Engagement téméraire, comédie l'avoir prevenu, le tout pour faire avec lui la revision de nouvelle, de M. Rousseau, ami de Francueil qui nous l'a son ouvrage. Au point où ils en étoient ensemble, vous présenté. L'auteur a joué un rôle dans sa pièce. Quoique conviendrez que cela est assez étrange. Je vois, par cerce ne soit qu'une comédie de société, elle a eu un grand tains mots échappés à mon ami dans sa lettre, qu'il a quelsuccès. Je doute cependant qu'elle pût réussir au théâtre; que sujet de discussion entre eux; mais comme il ne s'exmais c'est l'ouvrage d'un homme de beaucoup d'esprit, et plique point, je n'y comprends rien. Rousseau l'a tenu peut-être d'un homme singulier. Je ne sais pas trop ce- impitoyablement à l'ouvrage depuis le Samedi dix heures pendant si c'est ce que j'ai vu de l'auteur ou de la pièce qui du matin jusqu'au Lundi onze heures du soir, sans lui donme fait juger ainsi. Il est complimenteur sans être poli, ou ner à piene le temps de boire ni manger. La revision finie, au moins sans en avoir l'air. Il paroit ignorer les usages Diderot cause avec lui d'un plan qu'il a dans la tête, prie du monde; mais il est aisé de voir qu'il a infiniment d'es-Rousseau de l'aider à arranger un incident qui n'est pas prit. Il a le teint brun: et des yeux pleins de feu animent encour trouvé à sa fantaisie. Cela est trop difficile, répond sa physionomie. Lorsqu'il a parlé et qu'on le regarde, il froidement l'hermite, il est tard, je ne suis point accoutumė paroit joli; mais lorsqu'on se le rappelle, c'est toujours en à veiller. Bon soir, je pars demain à six heures du matin, laid. On dit qu'il est d'une mauvaise santé, et qu'il a des il est temps de dormir. Il se lève, va se coucher, et laisse souffrances qu'il cache avec soin, par je ne sais quel prin- Diderot pétrifié de son procédé. Voilà cet homme que vous cipe de vanité; c'est apparemment ce qui lui donne, de temps croyez si pénétré de vos lecons. Adjoutez à cette reflexion en temps, l'air farouche. M.de Bellegarde, avec qui il a causé un propos singulier de la femme de Diderot, dont je vous long-temps, ce matin, en est enchanté, et la engagé à nous prie de faire votre profit. Cette femme n'est qu'une bonne venir voir souvent. J'en suis bien aise; je me promets de femme, mais elle a la tact juste. Voyant son mari désolé profiter beaucoup de sa conversation.'-I. pp. 175, 176. le jour du départ de Rousseau, elle lui en demande la raihomme, ajoute-t-il, qui m'afflige; il me fait travailler comme son; il la lui dit: C'est le manque de délicatesse de cet un manoeuvre, je ne m'en serois, je crois pas aperçu, se il ne m'avoit refusé aussi sèchement de s'occuper pourmoi un quart d'heure... Vous êtes étonné de cela, lui répond sa femme, vous ne le connoissez donc pas? Il est dévors d'envie; il enrage quand il paroit quelque chose de beau qui n'est pas de lui. On lui verra faire un jour quelques grands forfaits plutôt que de se laisser ignorer. Tenez, je qu'il n'enterprit leur apologie.'-III. pp. 60, 61. ne jurerois pas qu'il ne se rangeât du parti des Jésuites, et

Their friendship so formed, proceeded to a great degree of intimacy. Madame d'Epinay admired his genius, and provided him with hats and coats; and, at last, was so far deluded by his declamations about the country, as to fit him up a little hermit cottage, where there were a great many birds, and a great many plants and flowers-and where Rousseau was, as might have been expected, supremely miserable. His friends from Paris did not come to see him. The postman, the butcher, and the baker, hate romantic sceneryduchesses and marchionesses were no longer found to scramble for him. Among the real inhabitants of the country, the reputation of reading and thinking is fatal to character; and Jean Jacques cursed his own successful eloquence which had sent him from the suppers and flattery of Paris to smell to daffodils, watch sparrows, or project idle saliva into the passing stream. Very few men who have gratified, and are gratifying their vanity in a great metropolis, are qualified to quit it. Few have the plain sense to perceive, that they must soon inevitably be forgotten, or the fortitude to bear it when they are. They represent to them. selves imaginary scenes of deploring friends and dispirited companions-but the ocean might as well regret the drops exhaled by the sun-beams. Life goes on; and whether the absent have retired into a cottage

The horror which Diderot ultimately conceived for him, is strongly expressed in the following letter to Grimm-written after an interview which compelled him, with many pangs, to renounce all intercourse with a man who had, for years, been the object of his tenderest and most partial feelings.

'Cet homme est un forcené. Je l'ai vu, je lui ai reproché avec toute la force que donne l'honnêteté et une sorte d'intérêt qui reste au fond du cœur d'un ami qui lui est dévoué depuis long-temps, l'énormité de sa conduite; les pleurs versés aux pieds de madame d'Epinay, dans le moment même où il la chargeoit prés de moi des accusations les plus graves; cette odieuse apologie qu'il vous a envoyée, et où il n'y pas une seule, des raisons qu'il avoit à dire; cette lettre projectée pour Saint-Lambert, qui devoit le tranquilliser sur des sentimens qu'il se reprochoit, et ou, loin d'avouer une passion née dans son coeur malgré lui, iĺ