20. The proper principle is, that public officers are the necessary agents of the people, appointed by them directly or indirectly, and renovable, for malversation or incompetency, at their pleasure, and as the public interests may require. În this character, they are entitled to a just and moderate compensation for service; and it is the interest of the people to continue them in office, whilst that service is faithfully rendered: And that faithfulness is best secured by making it the condition, the indispensable condition, of continuance. Towards its servants the State should pursue the course of every prudent individual in his own affairs, and never discharge a competent experienced and faithful agent, to receive others, in quick succession, who engage with the view of high wages and, perhaps, illegal vails, and whose capability for service, is acquired at the expense of the employers,-in a word, for men, ignorant of their business, who enter upon service, only, with the view of pillaging the master.

21. The propriety of these propositions will be disputed only by the office seeker. The great mass of the community which lives and thrives upon its labours, will readily admit them. The industrious agriculturist, manufacturer, merchant and mechanic, will recognize, in them, their true interests. To these, it is unimportant who serves them in the offices of state, as in the labours of their professions, provided they are skillfully served, for a just compensation. Yet, from supineness which cannot but be reprehensible, they suffer the country to be yearly agitated, and the public treasure to be despoiled by a few office hunters and office holders, the latter of whom, as we shall hereafter see, most carefully avoiding to practise on the doctrines they have taught.

22. During the period of the old party contest, there was little embarrassment in the choice of candidates for office. The distinguished soldiers and statesmen of the revolution had claims founded on service and ability, which threw into deep shade the pretensions of new aspirants; and whilst satisfied that such candidates represented the principles of the respective parties, the mass was content and looked no further.

23. But the old parties were extinguished, and scarce any thing was left in the form of principle on which new ones could be organized. Instead, therefore, of two candidates claiming the public suffrage, on the score of their respective political principles, the nation beheld five, of the same party, soliciting support on the ground of personal character and influence, only. This converted the political contest, at once, into a

personal one; in which partisans sought, not the advantage of the country, through party action, but personal and exclusive benefits for themselves, in the form of official honours and emoluments. Still, there was a remnant of the democratic party, which laboured to sustain its former influence; summoning ancient partisans to select their candidate, by the ancient mode of caucus, or general convention. But, that, which had been the most effectual means of party triumph,. was now reprobated as tyrannical and unjust. The true objection was, that it would crush the hopes of all the aspirants, save Mr. Crawford; and the friends, therefore, of all the others refused to submit their pretensions to its umpirage. A strong representation of the old democratic party, however, met in caucus and nominating Mr. Crawford, might probably have elected him, had not their candidate lost his influence with his health. The rival candidates were, Mr. Adams, sustained principally by the Northern States; Mr. Clay, who held an interest in the West; Mr. Calhoun, who having little other support than South Carolina could give, soon abandoned the contest for the Presidency, and became a successful candidate for the Vice Presidency; and General Jackson, who commanded the votes of several Southern States, and of Pennsylvania and New Jersey.

CHAPTER II.

ELECTION OF 1824.

24. A large portion of the politicians who sought the overthrow of the Jefferson dynasty, turned their eyes upon General Jackson. A combination of circumstances had peculiarly fitted him for their purpose. Military success had recommended him to the populace; some plausible sentiments, on the selection of persons for office, and disregard of party distinctions, addressed to President Monroe, had propitiated the remnant of federalism; equivocal declarations upon protective tariffs and internal improvements had made him acceptable to the antagonist parties on these interesting topics: But above all, ignorance of the Constitution, the laws, and civil duties, subjecting him to his advisers, recommended him to those whose ruling passion was the love of power.

25. These motives, though insufficient to effectuate his election by the primary colleges, procured him a plurality of electoral votes in 1824. But, by the Constitution, a majority of such votes was requisite to a choice. Still, it has been said, with equal perversity and error, that General Jackson was, at this election, the choice of the people. The aggregate vote of the colleges was 261; of which the General had 99; Mr. Adams 84; Mr. Crawford 41; and Mr. Clay 37; all who did not vote for the General were undeniably opposed, to his election; and there were, therefore, 162 votes against him. Had the choice of electors been, in all cases, determined by the plurality of votes, in their respective States, Mr. Adams would have received, additionally, 7 votes from Maryland, 3 from Louisiana, and 2 from Illinois; all of which were given to General Jackson. These votes, taken from the latter, would have reduced his return to 87; and transferred to Mr. Adams, would have given him the plurality; say, 96 votes. This position is sustained, by reference to the returns of the votes for electors, throughout the Union, the number of votes in favor of the Adams electoral tickets, being 166,112; in favor of the Jackson electoral tickets, 153,733: making a majority in favor of the former of 12,379 voters.

26. No choice having been made by the primary electoral

colleges, the election devolved upon the House of Representatives, which is, in such case, required to select the President from the candidates, not exceeding three, who are highest on the return. These, we have seen, were General Jackson, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Crawford. It has been said, without a shadow of propriety, that the House of Representatives is bound by the spirit, though not by the letter, of the Constitution, to select the candidate who has a plurality of votes in the electoral colleges. This must be upon the principle that he is the choice of the people; but the power of the House upon the subject is based upon the fact, that there is no choice by the majority of the people; and that such majority is against each of the returned candidates. Therefore, it is, that the Constitution has given to the House independent jurisdiction, unprejudiced by the previous vote.

27. The election by the House was affected by various motives by sectional preferences,-personal predilections, a sense of the superior qualification of one candidate, and the conviction of the incompetency of another. Voting by States, the House would give 24 votes, of which a majority was necessary to a choice. In the primary colleges, counting the votes by States, General Jackson had 11; Mr. Adams 8; Mr. Clay 3; and Mr. Crawford 2. But, we have seen, that if the votes had been governed by the majority of the voters in the respective States, Mr. Adams would have had 11, and General Jackson 8; and by the same principle, the General's vote would have been further reduced, by that of Carolina being given to Mr. Crawford. Mr. Clay had the votes of three States; yet, as the number of electoral votes therein was less than that given to Mr. Crawford, Mr. Clay was excluded from the return. But Mr. Clay and his friends controlled four votes in the House: viz., those of Kentucky, Ohio, Illinois and Missouri, which enabled them to determine the choice on one of two, but not on any one of the three, candidates.

28. The position of Mr. Clay and his friends was one of the most solemn responsibility. They were to determine to whom the destiny of the country, for the next four years, should be confided. They could not elect Mr. Crawford; and if they could, the shattered state of his constitution seemed, forever, to disqualify him for the arduous duties of the chief magistracy. To have voted for him would have but prolonged the contest, with the agitation and distraction of the country, and possibly have defeated the election altogether. They resolved, therefore, to proceed, at once, to the only practical

issue, the choice between General Jackson and Mr. Adams. Here, the only question for consideration was the fitness of the candidates. They could not believe the former so competent to the duties of the station as the latter: They knew, that a faithful and wise discharge of such duties required, something more than mere military attainments,-the talents and virtues of the statesman, that the General had never exhibited, in the councils of the Union, of his own State, or, of any other State or territory, such talents; that his military career had displayed the want of prudence, temper and discretion, indispensable for civil administration; and that the elevation of a military idol to the first office of the state, was a precedent pregnant with danger.

29. His competitor, Mr. Adams, was admirably qualified to illustrate the beauty of the Federal Constitution as established by the wise and good men who had hitherto directed the administration: Highly gifted, profoundly learned, long and greatly experienced in public affairs, at home, and abroad, intimately conversant with the rise and progress of every negotiation with foreign powers, pending or concluded; personally acquainted with the capacity of most of the public men of his own country whom it might be proper to employ in the public service; versed in the structure and history of foreign governments, and thence eminently qualified to judge and appreciate his own; self-disciplined; never seeking forbidden power; enlightened by philosophy, and content with that fame which a just performance of his duties would bestow: the country might confide to him, the helm of state in the fullest confidence of safety.

Could intelligent, patriotic men hesitate in their choice between such candidates? They did not: they gave their votes to the civilian, and their choice was alike honourable to them and their country.、

30. Mr. Clay has been accused of bartering his influence with Mr. Adams for the commission of Secretary of State. The accusation supposes, that his friends, who voted with him, were as corrupt as he is charged to have been; and corrupt too, without reward, for none of them partook of Executive favor. Intelligent men do not sell themselves to infamy. without price. We have shown that there was an adequate motive for their conduct, and sound reason requires us to seek no further. But the charge against Mr. Clay, was confidently made and pertinaciously maintained, in despite of that gentleman's well established character, and the fact, that he had