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even before the result of the electoral vote was known, repeatedly, avowed his intention to prefer Mr. Adams to Gen. Jackson, should the contest be between them; and in despite too, of the fact, that he had ever been the eloquent and righteous censor of the enormities of the military chieftain. When the accusation was made, as member and Speaker of the House of Representatives, he threw himself upon the justice of his country, demanded to be tried by that country, and defied his enemies to the proof. The calumniator is ever the coward. Beneath the mask of a pliable tool, the libeller lay concealed. The wretched instrument, surprised and confounded by the appeal, desperately accepted the challenge, but recreantly revoked his gage.

31. Mr. Adams was elected on the first ballot, in the House, receiving the vote of thirteen States, and of eighty-seven members: General Jackson had, what he should have had in the primary colleges, the vote of seven States, only;—the votes now given from these, and from some representatives from other States, amounted to 71. Mr. Crawford received the votes of four States, and votes from others, making 54 votes. The votes of the States, were; for Mr. Adams; Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, Maryland, Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois, Missouri, Louisiana: For General Jackson; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, and Indiana: For Mr. Crawford; Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia. The election, therefore, was decided according to the constitution, by a majority of the States. But the General was excluded, not only by such majority, but also by a plurality of the votes; whilst the whole number of the members of Congress who refused him their suffrages was 141, being less one of twice as many, as voted for him. Mr. Adams was, therefore, emphatically, the choice of the Nation. Had there been a second ballot he must have received a larger vote; for it is notorious, that, he was the second choice of Delaware and Virginia.

32. Thus was terminated one of the most animated of our political contests, in a manner highly honorable to the national character, not only in the choice, but in the manner, of the election. It was conducted with that calmness and comity among the electors, which should grace their important function. There was neither violence nor trick, nor concealment. The voting was by ballot, yet, not the vote of a member was unknown. Great apprehension had been entertained

by a large portion of the people, that an election by Congress would be attended by violent contentions; but, all bowed to the supreme law of the land, which was administered in peace. The friends of the rejected candidates submitted to the result, with patience, if not with cheerfulness, and foreigners who watched this interesting crisis in our history, beheld with amazement, profound respect for the law, disarming the angry passions, and they, and the nation, and the world, derived new confidence in the capacity of the people for self-government.

CHAPTER III.

ADMINISTRATION OF MR. ADAMS.

33. The principles by which Mr. Adams proposed to conduct his administration were those of the great democratic party of the country, those of his predecessors-those only, upon which the administration of the country can be safely conducted. They are distinctly delineated in his inaugural address, and receive the applause of every citizen instructed in the nature and tendency of our political institutions. We exhibit them, here, as well, for the information of the reader, as for contrasting them, hereafter, with those of his succes

sor.

34. 66 With the catastrophe in which the wars of the French Revolution terminated, and our own subsequent peace with Great Britain, the baneful weed of party strife, was uprooted. From that time, no difference of principle connected either with the theory of government, or with our intercourse with foreign nations, has existed, or been called forth, in force sufficient to sustain a continued combination of parties or to give more than wholesome animation to public sentiment or legislative debate. Our political creed is without a dissenting voice, that can be heard-That, the will of the people is the source, and the happiness of the people, the end, of all legitimate government upon earth-That, the best security for the beneficence, and the best guarantee against the abuse, of power, consists in the freedom, the purity, and the frequency of popular elections-That the General Government of the Union, and the separate governments of the States are all sovereignties of limited powers; fellow servants of the same masters; uncontrolled within their respective spheres; uncontrollable by encroachments upon each other-That, the firmest security of peace is the preparation, during peace, of the defences of war-That, a vigorous economy and accountability of public expenditures should guard against the aggravation, and alleviate, when possible, the burden of taxation-That, the military should be kept, in strict subordination to the civil power-That the freedom of the press and of religious opinion should be inviolate-That the policy of our country is peace, and the ark

of our salvation is union, are articles of faith upon which we are all now agreed.").

In the policy of his predecessor he saw the line of his own duty clearly marked. The great features of that policy, ingeneral concurrence with the will of the legislature, wereto cherish peace whilst preparing for defensive war; to yield exact justice to other nations, and to maintain the rights of our own; to cherish the principles of freedom and of equal rights wherever they were proclaimed; to discharge with all possible promptitude the national debt; to reduce within the narrowest limits of efficiency, the military force; to improve the organization and discipline of the army; to provide and sustain a school of military science; to extend equal protection among all the great interests of the nation; to promote the civilization of the Indian tribes; and to proceed in the great system of internal improvements, within the limits of the constitutional powers of the Union.

35. Such were the principles also proclaimed by Mr. Jefferson, except that, he did not so zealously advocate Internal Improvement, though he had sanctioned the Bill for the Cumberland Road, one of the most characteristic measures of the system. The improvement of the country by roads and canals, by the cultivation of science, and the diffusion of knowledge, was the most favorite measure of Mr. Adams' administration; but his views were circumscribed by constitutional limits, as settled by his predecessors, in the practice of years. Less possessed of the public confidence, in advance, than any one who had before filled the office, he was more obnoxious to misconstruction. But, intentions upright and pure, a heart devoted to his country's welfare, and the unceasing application of his faculties, were the pledges he gave for the faithful performance of the arduous duties he assumed: To the guidance of the legislative councils; to the assistance of the Executive and subordinate departments; to the friendly co-operation of the State governments; to the candid and liberal support of the people, so far as he might deserve it by honest industry and zeal, he looked for whatever success might attend his public service. We have all learned, of late, how easy it is for politicians to make professions, and how little regard, generally, should be paid to them, until confirmed by their conduct. To his actions, Mr. Adams confidently appealed; and, judging by them, his contemporaries and posterity will award him the fame of a wise statesman, too pure for his times.

36. Mr. Adams seems to have holden with Mr. Monroe, that, “in our country, party was neither useful nor inevitable" -an opinion, which from all experience appears utterly untenable. The following declaration, amiable and virtuous as it is, made him more enemies, than an act of gross malfeazance might have done. "There still remains one effort of magnanimity, one sacrifice of prejudice and passion, to be made by the individuals thoughout the nation, who have, heretofore, followed the standards of political party-It is that, of discarding every remnant of rancour against each other, of embracing as countrymen and friends, and of yielding to talents and virtue alone, that confidence, which, in times of contention for principle, was bestowed, only upon those who bore the badge of party communion."

37. He made himself the effort of magnanimity,-the sacrifice of prejudices, which he recommended. With due regard to their fitness for their respective stations, his principal officers were selected, more in reference to the conciliation of popular sentiment thán his personal predilections. Upon these principles his Cabinet was formed. In the officers of his administration, he saw only the agents of the law, not, dependents upon the will of the President. In their selection, he sought neither to proscribe opponents nor reward partisans. He removed from office none who were competent and faithful, nor appointed any, from other motives than the public weal.

38. But here lay the great error of his policy in relation to self. He would be great, was not without ambition, but without the illness should attend it. What he would highly, that he would holily. Could he have been tempted to betray the Constitution and degrade his station, by converting his official patronage into private property; to have perverted the power given for the public service, to his individual use, he might have created a party which would have continued him in office during another term. But no man ever came into the administration of government, so wholly unsupported by party. Devoted to the improvement of his race, his benevoĺence was more universal than particular; more fitted to make an imperishable fame, than numerous personal friends. Of the arts of popularity he knew nothing; or knowing, disdained them. He professed no other claims to public favor than pure intentions, comprehensive knowledge of the interests of his country, his duties and his legitimate powers-and the in

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