1780. MEETING OF WASHINGTON AND ROCHAMBEAU.

57

most trusted officers, Brigadier-General Dalrymple, with a secret letter to the Secretary of State. Already with a just view of the growing difficulties round him, he had pressed for his recall. He now pointed out, not merely the evil of the want of cordiality between himself and the Admiral (for in such appointments a change might soon be made), but the utter impossibility of pursuing the war without new forces. The troops which he had designed for the Rhode Island service, and which his Embarkation Return showed as 6,000 men, were all that he could reckon on for any other enterprise. With these 6,000 he trusted that the peninsula between the Chesapeak and the Delaware might be reduced. But after its reduction, 4,000 would be needful to hold it. "Arrived," he adds, "at that stage of success, a glance upon "the Returns of the army, divided into garrisons, and re"duced by casualties on the one part, with the consideration "of the task yet before us on the other, would, I fear, renew "the too just reflection that we are by some thousands too "weak to subdue this formidable rebellion."*

The compulsory inactivity of Rochambeau was alike distasteful to Washington and to himself. They were both eager to devise some means for commencing forward operations; but none such appeared, while the superiority of the English naval force continued. However, the two commanders agreed to confer in person on the subject; and they met accordingly at Hartford, in Connecticut, on the 21 st of September. During his absence on this occasion, Washington left his army under the charge of General Greene. As a symbol of friendship to his new allies, he directed all the Continental officers to wear cockades of black and white intermixed; the former colour being that of the American cockade, and the latter that of the French. Then, too, perhaps, the Fleurs de Lys of France may have floated, side by

The secret despatch of Clinton, dated August 25. 1780, and derived from the State Paper Office, will be found in the first part of my Appendix. The second part comprises the King's reflections upon it, taken from the North MSS. They were written September 26. the despatch having arrived in London only the day before.

side, with the American stars and stripes. Yet it is by no means clear when the latter standard was, for the first time, used. Nor, strange to say considering its recent origin, is the meaning of that symbol known, with any certainty, to the nation that bears it. One living writer in the United States supposes, that these stars and stripes may have reference to the Mullets and Bars on Washington's heraldic shield; a new and ingenious, but scarcely probable, conjecture, to be admitted only if no better can be found.

The younger Frenchmen, both during the interview of the chiefs at Hartford, and in their subsequent visits to Washington's head-quarters, were, it seems, most agreeably surprised by what they saw. Thus writes one of them: -"I 66 am bound to say, that the General Officers of the American "army have a very soldier-like and becoming demeanour. "All those officers whom their duty puts forward in respect "to strangers, combine a great deal of politeness with a "great deal of ability. Nor do their head-quarters 'betoken "either inexperience or penury. When one sees the "battalion of Guards of the Commander-in-Chief encamped "within the precincts of his house; nine waggons, allotted "for his equipage, ranged within his court; grooms in great "numbers, holding ready the very fine horses that belong to "the Generals, or to their Aides-de-camp; when one ob"serves the perfect order maintained within these precincts, "where the guards are regularly placed, and where the "drums beat both an especial Reveille and an especial Re"treat one feels tempted to apply to the Americans what "Pyrrhus said, on reconnoitering the Roman camp: "Truly, these so-called barbarians have nothing barbarous "in their discipline.""**

This picture, it will be seen, is of entire regularity and

*North American Review, for July, 1852, p. 131. (See also the sixth volume of this History, p. 45.

** Voyages du Marquis de Chastellux, vol. i. p. 121. ed. 1786. It is remarkable, that the same application of Pyrrhus's saying occurred to Burke at nearly the same time. (Speech on Economical Reform, Feb. 11.

1780.

CAREER OF GENERAL ARNOLD.

59

subordination, such as the longest-established Government could not surpass. Indeed, some critics may doubt whether, instead of slighting forms and titles, as Revolutionary chiefs are wont to do, the founders of the American Union might not indulge in them too much. Such, at least, was the opinion of an English Colonel, who had taken service with them, and whom they had raised to their highest rank General Charles Lee. "For my own part, he cries, "I would as lief they put ratsbane into my mouth as the "Excellency' with which I am daily crammed!"*

It is not to be supposed, however, that the American people at large were then well versed in the pageantries of war. The contrary may be justly presumed, from the description which an eye-witness a chaplain in Rochambeau's army gives us of a great review at Philadelphia. There the native spectators were so far misled by a large amount of braid and silver lace, as to mistake a courier for a Commander-in-Chief. Whenever this servant went up to his master, (one of the Colonels,) to receive, it was supposed that he had come to give, an order!**

At this time the important fortress of West Point, the key of the upper province of New York, was held by General Benedict Arnold. No officer on the American side had more highly distinguished himself, in the earlier stages of the war. It was he who led the daring expedition through the wilderness upon Quebec. It was he who bore the brunt of those hard-fought actions which resulted in the surrender of a British force at Saratoga. His wounds in that campaign disabled him, for a time, from active service; but when Philadelphia was relinquished by Sir Henry Clinton, Arnold was appointed to the command in that city. There he married a young and beautiful lady, one of the heroines of the recent

*To "His Excellency" Patrick Henry, July 29. 1776, printed in the American Archives, vol. i. p. 631. The whole letter is very curious.

** Voyage dans l'Amerique de M. l'Abbé Robin en 1781, p. 89.; also as cited in Reed's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 307. The Abbé candidly adds: "Les "bons Pensilvaniens sont bien loin de nous pour l'etiquette, comme nous "bien loin d'eux pour la législation."

MISCHIANZA, and as that very circumstance implies, of a family well affected to the Royal cause. As the military chief of a great town, Arnold displayed arrogance in his demeanour and ostentation in his style of living. By the former he gave offence to the Philadelphians, by the latter he involved himself in difficulties. Complaints — the more readily, no doubt on account of his haughty manners, were brought against him on divers petty points, as that he had used some public waggons, even though he paid for them, to remove some private property. He was brought before a Court Martial, which subjected him to long and vexatious delays, acquitting him at last of the principal charges, but finding him. Guilty of the rest; and their sentence being upon the whole that he should receive a public reprimand from the Commander-in-Chief.

he

Conscious as was Arnold of the eminent services which he had rendered, and even in his pride overrating them, chafed at such requital. At the same time, and in the midst of his pecuniary distresses, the claims which he had preferred to his Government for money spent in Canada, were in part disallowed. With these personal causes of resentment there mingled perhaps some others of a public kind. He had always disapproved an alliance with France, and viewed its progress with great aversion and jealousy. The strength of these various feelings and motives in his mind may be estimated from the extreme resolution to which they now gave rise. Arnold determined to change sides and to join the Royalists, betraying to them at the same time any secrets, or any post, with which he might be entrusted.

With these views, which, perhaps even to his own mind, were only unfolded by degrees, Arnold had already begun a secret correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton, through Sir Henry's Aide-de-camp, and afterwards Adjutant-General, Major John André. He signed his letters merely "Gustavus," disguising his handwriting, and giving no other clue to his real name; but from time to time he sent intelligence which *See vol. vi. p. 256.

1780.

GENERAL ARNOLD'S COMMAND AT POINT.

61

proved to be authentic and important. Thus the attention of Sir Henry was effectually roused, and he desired his Aidede-camp to keep up the correspondence with care, André signing his own letters as "John Anderson." Still "Gustavus" did not reveal himself; but on combining and weighing a great variety of slight circumstances, Clinton became convinced that his secret correspondent could be no other than General Arnold; and on this persuasion the exchange of letters was continued.

Even before the close of his long-protracted trial, Arnold had found it necessary to relinquish his command in Philadelphia. But Washington, who never suspected his fidelity, and who knew his talents, was anxious to employ him in the next campaign. Arnold represented himself as still suffering from his wounds, and scarcely equal to active service in the field; but he sought, and obtained, the charge of West Point, and of all the other posts in the Highlands. He arrived · at his new station, at the beginning of August, 1780, and had already transmitted to Sir Henry Clinton a direct proposal to surrender himself, "in such a manner as to contribute "every possible advantage to His Majesty's arms." The vast importance of this overture could not fail to be discerned by the British chief. To gain possession of West Point and its dependent posts, with their garrisons and military stores, and with the command of the Hudson's river which they implied, and by the same blow to strike distrust and terror into the very heart of the American ranks, was an object certainly, at that time, second to no other towards the successful prosecution of the war.

Sir Henry Clinton, therefore, eagerly applied himself to conclude the negotiation with Arnold, assuring him of all the rank and emoluments which he could expect in the British service. A favourable time for the final arrangement seemed to be afforded by the departure of Washington from his army to meet Count Rochambeau at Hartford. First, however, it was necessary that a meeting should be held with Arnold to settle the whole plan. The American General in