all should take the crosse upon them, and goe before others into the land of Jerusalem." These are the words of the historie; whereby it is evident unto the vigilant reader, unto what grossenesse the true knowledge of the spirituall doctrine of the gospell was degenerate and growne unto in those daies.

How great blindnesse and darkenesse was in those daies, even in the first prinacie, and supremacie of the bishop of Rome; as though the outward succession of Peter and the Apostles, had been of great force and effect to that matter! What doth it force in what place Peter did rule or not rule? It is much more to be regarded that every man should labour and studie with all their indevour to follow the life and confession of Peter: And that man seemeth unto me to be the true successor of Peter, against whom the gates of hell shall not prevaile. For if that Peter in the gospel do beare the type and figure of the christian church (as all men in a maner doe affirme) what more foolish or vaine thing can there bee, than through privat usurpation, to restraine and to bind that unto one man, which by the appointment of the Lord, is of it selfe free and open to so many?

Thus in these so great and troublous times and horrible darkenesse of ignorance, what time there seemed in a maner to be no one so little a sparke of pure doctrine left or remaining, this foresaid Wickliffe by God's providence sprang and rose up: through whom the Lord would first waken and raise up againe the world, which was overmuch drowned and whelmed in the deepe streames of humane traditions. Thus you have here the time of Wickliffe's originall.

Which Wickliffe, after he had now by a long time professed divinitie in the universitie of Oxford, and perceiving the true doctrine of Christ's

gospell to be adulterate and defiled, with so many filthie inventions of bishops, sects of monks, and darke errours, he after long debating and deliberating with himselfe (with many secret sighes, and bewailing in his mind the generall ignorance of the whole world) could no longer suffer or abide the same, but that he at the last determined with himselfe to helpe and to remedie such things as hee saw to bee wide and out of the way. But forsomuch as he saw that this dangerous medling, could not be attempted or stirred without great trouble, neither that these things which had been so long time with use and custome rooted and grafted in men's minds, could bee suddenlie plucked up or taken away, hee thought with himselfe that this matter should be done by little and little. Wherefore he taking his originall at small occasions, thereby opened himselfe a way or meane to greater

matters.

And first he assailed his adversaries in logicall and metaphysicall questions, disputing with them of the first forme and fashion of things, of the increase of time, and of the intelligible substance of a creature, with other such like sophemes of no great effect: but yet notwithstanding they did not a little helpe and furnish him, which minded to dispute of greater matters. So in these matters first began Kegningham (a Carmelite) to dispute and argue against John Wickliffe.

By these originals, the way was made unto greater points, so that at the length he came to

• Such like sophemes.] "Hit is not inoughe for a prieste (after my jugement) to construe a collette, to put forth a question, or to answere to a sopheme, but moche more a good, a pure, and a holy life, approved maners, metely lernynge of holye scripture, some knowlege of the sacramentes; chiefly and above all thynge the feare of God, and love of the hevenly lyfe." Dean Colet's Convocation Sermon. P. 301. Knight's edition.

touch the matters of the sacraments, and other abuses of the church. Touching which things this holy man tooke great paines, protesting (as they said) openlie in the schooles, that it was his chiefe and principall purpose and intent, to revoke and call backe the church from her idolatrie to some better amendment, especially in the matter of the sacrament of the bodie and blood of Christ. But this boil or sore could not bee touched without the great griefe and paine of the whole world. For first of all, the whole glut of monks and begging friers were set on a rage or madnesse, which

s Begging friers.] The ecclesiastical history of these ages is full of the ambitious encroachments, the hypocrisy, and the immoralities of the mendicant orders. Their vices, which they endeavoured to hide under the cloke of extraordinary zeal and sanctity, gave many deep and lasting wounds to the interests of truth and of religion. The reader may not be displeased to see their general character well drawn by one who had studied them nearly-the learned Henry Wharton; a man, by whose premature death, the ecclesiastical history of this country, and other departments of literature, sustained incalculable losses.

"These mendicant orders arose and chiefly infested the church in the thirteenth age. They pretended an extraordinary call from God to reform the world, and correct the faults of the secular clergy. To this end they put on a mighty shew of zeal for the good of men's souls, and of contempt of the world; accused the secular clergy of famishing the souls of men, called them dumb dogs, and cursed hirelings; maintained that evangelical poverty became the ministers of the gospel; that it was unlawful for them to possess any thing, or to retain propriety in any worldly goods. As for the publick orders of the church, they would not be tied to them, alleging, that themselves being wholly spiritual, could not be obliged to any carnal ordinances. They broke in every where upon the parochial clergy; usurped their office; in all populous and rich places, set up altars of their own; withdrew the people from the communion of their parish priest; would scarce allow the hopes of salvation to any but their own disciples, whom they bewitched with great pretences of sanctity, and assiduity in preaching. These artifices had raised their reputation and interest so high in a few years, that they wanted

(even as hornets with their sharpe stings) did assaile this good man on every side. After them the priests, and then after them the archbishop took the matter in hand, being then Simon Sudburie, who for the same cause deprived him of his benefice, which then he had in Oxford. Notwithstanding he being somewhat friended and supported by the King, as appeareth, continued and bare out the malice of the friers, and of the archbishop all this while of his first beginning, till about the yeere ot our Lord, 1377. After which time now to prosecute likewise of his troubles and conflict, first I must fetch about a little compasse, as requisite is, to inferre some mention of John of Gaunt duke of Lancaster the King's sonne, and lord Henrie Percie, which were his speciall maintainers.

As yeeres and time grew on, king Edward the third, which had raigned now about fifty-one yeeres, after the decease of prince Edward his sonne, who departed the yeere before, was strucken in great age, and in such feeblenesse withall, that he was unweldie through lacke of strength to governe the affaires of the realme. Wherefore a parliament being called the yeere before his death, it was there put up by the knights and other the

very little to ruin the secular clergy, and therewith the church. But in less than an age the cheat of these impostors became manifest to all men. They procured to their societies incredible riches, built to themselves stately palaces; infinitely surpassed that viciousness of which themselves had (perhaps unjustly) accused the secular clergy; and long before the Reformation, became the most infamous and contemptible part of the church of Rome." Defence of Pluralities. P. 9, 10. A.D. 1692.

Supported by the King.] In the forty-eighth year of Edward III. Wickliffe, then reader in divinity in Oxford, was the second named in a commission from that prince to treat with ambassadors from the Pope, of the matters in dispute between the realm of England and the see of Rome. P. 390.

Fox.

burgesses of the parliament (because of the misgovernment of the realme by certaine greedie persons about the king, raking all to themselves, without seeing any justice done) that twelve sage and discreet lords, and peeres, such as were free from note of all avarice, should bee placed as tutours about the king, to have the doing and disposing under him (sixe at one time, and in their absence sixe at another) of matters pertinent to the publike regiment.

These twelve governors by the parliament aforesaid being appointed to have the tuition of the king, and to attend to the publike affaires of the realme, remained for a certaine space about him, till afterward it so fell out, that they being againe removed, all the regiment of the realme next under the king, was committed to the duke of Lancaster the king's son. For as yet Richard the sonne of prince Edward lately departed, was very young and under age.

This duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceived a certaine displeasure against the popish clergie: whether for corrupt and impure doctrine, joyned with like abominable excesse of life, or for what some other cause, it is not precisely expressed. Onely by storie the cause thereof may be gessed, to rise by William Wickam bishop of Winchester. The matter is this.

This bishop of Winchester (as the saying went then) was reported to affirme, that the foresaid John of Gaunt duke of Lancaster, was not the sonne of king Edward, nor of the queene. Who being in travell at Gaunt, had no sonne (as he said) but a daughter; which the same time by lying upon of the mother in the bed, was there smothered. Whereupon, the queene fearing the kings displeasure, caused a certaine manchild of a wo