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having worn out their youth in servitude, they are left to struggle with want and infirmities, without the advantage which slaves enjoy, of being maintained in their old age at the expence of their masters. This apprenticing Act of Parliament provides, that after the term of apprenticeship is expired, they may be apprenticed anew; so that, as Dr. Thorpe justly observes, "here is involuntary servitude established for

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life, by an Act of Parliament purporting to "abolish slavery."

The Special Report also admits, that "there "is doubtless much truth in the representation "Dr. Thorpe has made of the low state of "morals at Sierra Leone;" but expresses a doubt whether the example of Dr. Thorpe " himself was peculiarly calculated to diminish "the evil." It then observes, "that he has also "dwelt much on the backward state of culti"vation in the colony; but has omitted to in"form the public, that this backwardness arose "in part, at least, from the effects of a law "framed by himself; namely, the Militia Act:" a law which, however, they declare in a subsequent passage, they have no intention to "blame, as they believe it was framed on the "model of other Colonial Acts of the same description, and some such Act was clearly "" necessary.

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It is painful to find the Directors so frequently forgetting, that recrimination is not justification; and still more so to read these repeated acknowledgments, that notwithstanding the unremitting and zealous exertions of the Sierra Leone Company and the African Institution, for twentyfour years past, so little progress has been made in the instruction, the morals, or the industry of the settlers; and the admission of this fact naturally leads to some investigation into the causes of their failure.

The former of these bodies consisted of men, of indisputable zeal, intelligence, and philanthropy. In addition to these characteristics, the latter exhibits an almost unprecedented combination of rank, weight, and talents; but one great defect in their composition appears to be, that the time of most of the members, is so much engrossed by their various avocations, both public and private, that they have little leisure to devote to the objects for which the society was formed, and therefore are obliged to see with the eyes of others;-another, that having no local knowledge of Africa, nor of the habits, manners, and characters of its inhabitants, they are ill qualified to judge of the proper line of conduct to be pursued towards them ;-another, that some of the members appear occasionally to infuse a greater portion of zeal into the cha

racter of their proceedings, than is altogether consistent with sound discretion;—and lastly, that some of the more zealous and active among them, being bound together by a fervour of religious enthusiasm, consider every individual of their own sect as immaculate; and, placing implicit confidence in their fidelity and disinterestedness, are the more liable to have that confidence abused.

Dr. Thorpe's pamphlet contains a number of very severe animadversions on the conduct of Mr. Zachary Macaulay, formerly Secretary to the Sierra Leone Company, and now a Director of the African Institution. This Gentleman has published a vindication of himself, in a Letter addressed to His Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester; the Appendix to which is much more valuable and important than the Pamphlet itself, as it contains various documents, never before published, which throw considerable light on the views and objects of the Sierra Leone Company, and of their servants. Among other papers printed by Dr. Thorpe, is a letter from Mr. Macaulay, to Mr. Ludlam, then Governor of Sierra Leone, dated the 4th November, 1807; wherein, after cautioning the Governor to be guarded in all the ostensible letters he writes, he adds, “I have no doubt that Government will

"be disposed to adopt almost any plan which "we may propose to them with respect to "Africa, provided we will but save them the “trouble of thinking.”

Mr. Macaulay appears to have felt a consciousness, that this, and other expressions in the before-mentioned letter, required much qualification and explanation. He consequently labours this point very hard; and after attempting a vindication of the paragraph about saving His Majesty's Ministers the trouble of thinking, by stating “that he gratuitously

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thought and wrote on African subjects, with "a view both to save the time and trouble of "His Majesty's Ministers, and to serve Africa," proceeds thus:

"But still Dr. Thorpe may choose to affirm, that his charge of fraud or dissimulation is fairly made out by this letter.What! if I put a friend on his guard against committing himself incautiously in his correspondence with a person who I fear may be unfriendly to his views, am I therefore committing a fraud? Is there any man, acquainted with public life, who is not aware of the very injurious purposes to which an unguarded statement or an unqualified concession is applicable in the hands of an opponent? Every day's proceedings in Parliament furnish abundant illustration of this fact, and shew how easily even truth, incautiously and partially stated, may be made, by interested or prejudiced parties, to produce the effect of falsehood."

"But what was it which called for so marked a caution at this particular juncture? In the first place, the same vessel which carried this obnoxious letter carried out orders to Mr. Ludlam to transfer the Colony to Government, and to correspond in future with the Colonial Department. It did seem to me, therefore, important that I should hint to him the necessity, if he would not injure the cause he had at heart, of being cautious and measured in his communications. Besides this, I had just received from him a letter which is annexed, dated 14th April, 1807."

The letter Mr. Macaulay alludes to, is printed in the appendix to his pamphlet, and is a document of the highest importance, as expressing the deliberate sentiments of the man, who, perhaps of all others, from the situation in which he was placed, had the best means of forming a sound judgment on the effects of the Abolition; who, as Mr. Macaulay tells his readers, " had "resided in Africa for the preceding eight years, "and being on the spot, would be able to fur"nish the most valid reasons, and the newest

facts, in support of his suggestions." He adds, "I produce this letter, because it can now "do no harm to produce it." But may not Mr. Macaulay be asked, what harm it would have done, at any time, to have produced information coming from such high authority; and how he can justify having suppressed it so long? His reasons for so doing, will appear in the various

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