collision

vast privileges which are denied to the unneccessary occasion of latter. These were the true reasons which between the Church and the State by rendered Catholic emancipation an im- strict justice; and then, if, in spite of perative duty, and would equally have this, the collision comes, to deal with the rendered it an imperative duty, if Dr. emergency promptly and peremptorily Doyle and his colleagues had proclaimed when it arises. That a great many Rowith all their might the principles which man Catholics, if called upon by their Archbishop Manning and Cardinal Cul- Church to defy the laws of the British len proclaim now. Very likely, if they had State for a grand ecclesiastical end, would done so, that great measure would really disobey the call, we heartily be have been indefinitely postponed. But lieve; but to disobey in an emergency its postponement would have been a in which the conscience of the citizen is great calamity for Protestants and Cath-thoroughly roused, is one thing, while to olics alike. And for a statesman who promise beforehand to disobey, when no appears, like Mr. Gladstone, to hold such call is anticipated or considered this, to go back upon Dr. Doyle's assur- possible, is quite another. We have no ances in a spirit of almost querulous dis-doubt at all that the pope maintains the appointment, seems to us, we confess, abstract right even to depose Queen Victrivial. Is it only the Roman Church toria, for what he deems sufficient reason, which has lately been driven back on its though he is very unlikely to use it. We central idea? Have not all Churches have no doubt, too, that a few desperate shown the same tendency? And is it Ultramontanes would regard such an manly to deplore a change of attitude in exercise of power, if it ever occurred, as Rome which has been accompanied by a really controlling their consciences, while corresponding change of attitude in many would be utterly shocked by it, and almost every Church in Christendom? driven rather to defy the authority of the Rather is not such a change of attitude Church and the pope; but we see no good evidence that Rome, like other reasonable pretext at all for discounting Churches, obeys a spirit of the age, and now the sensational measures appropriate is not semper eadem; that she relaxes to so tremendous an emergency, holding her claim to authority in one generation, with Lord Derby (is it not?) that in all and reasserts it in another; that she loses such improbable cases, cure is much bether proud consciousness of infallibility ter than prevention, and infinitely better when other Churches lose their conten- than that helpless attempt at prevention tiousness, and regains it only in the heat which alone we could really make. of controversy? In any case, consider- Finally, most of all we hold that if Mr. ing the position taken by Mr. Gladstone Gladstone did really entertain some at the close of his pamphlet, it is hardly feeble hope of persuading the Roman on the admissions of Dr. Doyle and the Catholics of this empire to disavow Irish bishops of 1825, that he ought to either the Vatican Council or some of its found so grave and solemn an expostu- possible consequences, he was making a lation." Again, it seems to us the most very serious mistake in girding at their wild and visionary of hopes which Mr. episcopate as "degraded" and their Gladstone gravely expresses, when he pontiff as pursuing the policy of a vulgar describes it as his object to elicit from advertiser. You do not sting for the the Roman Catholics of the empire purpose of persuasion; the only moral either a repudiation of the Vatican de-effect of a sting is to inspire anger or crees, or a declaration that, if ever called fear. upon to renounce their civil allegiance, Above all, we regret the influence which they would disobey the call. As to the this pamphlet must exercise in Prussia, first demand, they could only concede it where it has already been received, by disavowing their Church. As to the quite erroneously no doubt, as a vindisecond, they would probably declare it a cation by Mr. Gladstone of the policy of mere insult on their chief pastor to an- the Falck laws. Indeed the Standard of ticipate in that way a summons which Monday, by including, of course inadmany of them would think it impossible vertently, a corollary of its own from Mr. for him to issue, and which the remain- Gladstone's statements, within the inder would think it their duty, if in any verted commas which marked the quotagreat ecclesiastical exigency he did issue tion, made him explicitly approve those it, to obey. In dealing with claims like laws, and the blunder only shows how the Roman Catholic, the statesman's little guarded his "expostulation" really only true plan is first to ward off every lis. That his own policy has been one

66

long and noble protest against such fool- Italian population generally seems to him ish and pernicious laws, and that he holds to look as if it washed more than before to that policy in this very pamphlet as firm- it had Victor Emmanuel for its king. ly as ever, will do nothing to convince the But if he is enthusiastic, Mr. Baxter may Germans that had he been a German, he safely say that his enthusiasm rests on a would not have approved Prince Bis-basis of solid fact. His picture of Italy marck's action. In fact, Mr. Gladstone is as true as it is glowing. The activity, himself reserves his judgment on that the life, the energy of emancipated Italy point, though we do not doubt for a moment that if he ever had to deliver his judgment on it, he would deliver it, and deliver it strongly, on the right side. None the less, - so stupid is mankind, his name will be hereafter claimed as an authority on both sides: - for the side of courage and justice by his true followers in Great Britain, and for the side of fear and persecution by Prince Bismarck's adherents in Germany.

are prodigious. When Mr. Baxter said with glee that the progress he saw at Rome reminded him of the United States, he used a comparison which few except Scotch working-men could listen to without a shudder. But there is a real foundation for the comparison between modern Italy and the United States. The Italians have really had a new birth, and have an ardour of youth which is of the true American type. They have gone ahead by leaps and bounds; and the wonders of Chicago are almost rivalled by the rapid growth of cities which, like Genoa, Leghorn, and Rome, seemed a few years ago sunk in a mild decay and verging on a dreamy death. It may be

It seems to us, therefore, that the political effects of this publication will be of a very mixed, and needlessly mixed, character. It contains a noble protest on behalf of the sacredness of individual conviction, and of the final authority of the individual conscience. It is an un-added that although, like the Americans, answerable demonstration of the civil dangers inherent in submission to an absolute Church. It must clear Mr. Gladstone of the suspicion of Romanizing with all sensible men, forever. So far all is well. But it apparently places the justice done nearly half a century ago to Roman Catholics on a most insecure, feeble, and untenable ground. It raises imaginary hopes of a kind which seem to us almost childish as well as delusive. And it lends to one of the greatest political blunders and worst religious offences of the present day at least a shadow of authority from a spotless and illustrious

name.

the Italians have their rowdies, their Sicilian Texas, their rival platforms, and their passion for local jobs, yet, like the Americans, they have a profound faith in their institutions, and manage to keep them going, and are carried through little difficulties by cherishing a great purpose. Nothing in Italy is more remarkable than that so many different provinces, separated for ages by barriers of government and geographical obstacles, should not only have united, but should show so very generally the same happy consequences of union. Material prosperity displays itself everywhere, and, as Mr. Baxter said, even at Venice they are building new houses and dredging the canals. Eighteen millions sterling have been paid for the purchase of ecclesiastical estates, and this speaks much for the wealth of Italy and for its future advance in riches. Italy is and always THE Condition of Italy is one of the must be essentially an agricultural few topics on which Liberals can now country. It has no manufactures. touch with unmixed satisfaction, and Mr. has neither iron nor coal. But it has a Baxter has studied Italy with sufficient splendid seaboard, and almost inexhaustattention to make his picture of the penin-ible capacities in regard to climate and sula attractive and interesting. A Scotch soil for producing the best fruits of the audience was sure to hear with delight earth. When the St. Gothard Tunnel that cabdrivers in Italian towns hate is made, Genoa will be the port of a priests, and that at Naples ecclesiastics large district of Germany and Switzerseem to be disappearing with the bad land, and the Venetians hope to see smells of the place. But any audience is awakened to sympathy by the utterances of honest enthusiasm, and Mr. Baxter is so enthusiastic a friend of Italy that the

From The Saturday Review.
ITALY.

It

Venice displace Trieste as the centre of the trade of the Adriatic. But Italy is, with these exceptions, its own market, and Italy, like France, can only grow

really rich by making the most of its own soil. France has lately shown how solid and vast may be the wealth of a country in such a position, and a few more years of activity, peace, and good government would place Italy not far behind France in the stable possession of agricultural wealth.

make its creditors sure of being paid. The Left does not approve of processes out of the sphere of ordinary law; it prefers that brigands should be acquitted by juries rather than that they should be condemned by military magistrates; it insists that localities which make great sacrifices to pay national taxes should have some little compensatory favours accorded to them. All Italian politics have so strong a Liberal tinge, if the present state of Italy is compared with the past, or if Italy is compared with most of its neighbours, that it is in one way quite true to say that the struggle is only between Liberals of two different shades. But the struggle is nevertheless a serious and important one. Any one who read Mr. Baxter's speech might naturally think that Italian prosperity went on without embarrassment and like a machine; and if our attention is confined to general results, there is some reason for using such language. But if we look at the process by which Italy is made to advance, we see that Italian statesmen have many difficulties to overcome, many failures to deplore, many jealousies and much ignorance and apathy to conquer. When the real working of the free institutions of Italy is studied, the wonder is not that there have been so many ministerial blunders and catastrophes, but that an intelligent and reasonable policy has been on the whole so steadily and so successfully pursued.

"Brigandage," Mr. Baxter informed his friends at Dundee, "is not compatible with free institutions." Nothing, unfortunately, could be more untrue, as Mr. Baxter might easily find to his cost if he made a tour through Mexico or any of the republics of Central America. What brigandage is not compatible with is an active population and a strong government. It is because in every corner of Italy the people are beginning to exert themselves, because roads and railways and harbours are being constructed, and because the government is determined to put brigandage down, that Italy may look forward to the day when it will be free from its ancient curse. The policy of the present government is a policy of stern repression, and a ministerial majority means a majority in favour of stronger measures than have as yet been tried. The present government also insists on the necessity of looking at Italy as a whole, and not sacrificing the national credit to humouring the whims or consulting the wants of separate localities. The policy of the Opposition is to uphold local independence and personal freedom. There are a few representatives of the ecclesiastical power in the ranks of the Opposition, and a few Republican fanatics. But the mass of the Left do not wish to quarrel with the dynasty of Piedmont, and they blame the Right for not treating priests as harshly as they deserve. The real struggle between the parties is a struggle between those who wish for free institutions with a strong central government and those A correspondent of the Times, who wish for free institutions with a weak writing from Venice, describes the apacentral government. All Italians, with thy that prevailed there, and as in nearly exceptions not worth noticing, are in fa- half the electoral colleges of the kingdom vour of a united Italy, antagonism to the the highest candidate failed to secure the priests, the retention of Rome, and Par-support of a third of the inscribed electliamentary government. So far it mayors, it might seem as if this apathy had be said that all Italy is for free institu- been general. But the impression aptions. But after that point is reached pears to prevail in Italy that the elections there is room for considerable diver- have been well contested, and have exgence. The Right wants the govern- cited an unusual amount of interest; and ment to be able to act sharply and the failure in so many places of the highpromptly; it urges that in finance the first thing is to uphold the national honour, and that Italy should steadily pay its creditors, and, what is more, should

The elections held last Sunday have shown a general result favourable to the government. The system of voting which requires the successful candidate to poll a third of the electoral body, and forces him, if he fails to do this, to a second trial of strength, seems to answer no obvious purpose, and the number of those actually voting compared with the number of voters inscribed seems strangely small.

est candidate to obtain the necessary third is probably to be attributed to the electors thinking the man they preferred so sure to win that they did not take the

From The Spectator.

6.

Marmora, for example, got 299 votes at EXPECTED DISRUPTION OF THE FRENCH PROTESTANT CHURCH. Biella, and his opponent only five, and yet there is to be a second election held. THE Reformed Church of France Florence elected Ricasoli, Peruzzi, and seems to be on the eve of a great schism. two other less distinguished members of It is split up into two parties, who differ the Right, and there was practically no from each other about the fundamental opposition; and yet these four candi- dogmas of Christianity; and the strife dates have to be balloted for to-morrow, has become so bitter, that all hope of a because the number of voters supporting reconcilement must be dismissed. The them was insufficient. At Rome, again, quarrel was not begun recently, but it none of the elections held last Sunday was brought to a practical issue by the were final; but there was some warmth in Synod which met in 1872, for the first the contest, and if both parties were ac-time after a lapse of two centuries. The tive, it certainly seems strange that in no descendants of the Huguenots did not case should the successful candidate have bring their orthodoxy unscathed out of obtained the necessary third. In two the fire which on the eve of the Revoludistricts of Rome Garibaldi was proposed, tion scorched the sanctities of France. and it might well happen that many Ital- Religion was so much a reality to them, ians would like neither to vote for Gari-that they could not, indeed, become Volbaldi nor to vote against him. But in tairians, but many became so liberal" another Roman college a Jew was at the in their theology that they might have head of the poll, and it seems curious been denied the title of "Christian" in that a body of Romans should not have this country. They felt that the old themade up their minds whether they wish ory of Biblical inspiration would not bear a Jew to represent them or not. It is the scrutiny of modern scholarship, and calculated that, when all the final elec- they tried to free the theology of their tions have been held, the government Church, so far as they could, from the will have a majority of at least sixty, and dogmas that chiefly excite the ire of critthis in a chamber of 508 is as large a icism. That was not an easy task, in a majority as a prudent prime minister Church which had accepted the rigid dogwould wish. It is very useful to a gov-mas of Calvin. The only way to liberalernment, for the purpose of keeping its ize its teaching was to give a figurative supporters together, that the Opposition interpretation to such doctrines as the should not be too weak; and it is to be incarnation, the resurrection, and the observed that the greatest gain of the ascension. More than a generation ago government has been in Piedmont and a large party contended that ProtestantLombardy and Tuscany, districts which ism should free itself from the swadare perfectly free from brigandage, while dling-clothes of subscription to rigid in the Romagna parties remain as before. creeds, and should be content with a genThe only two colleges at Naples where a eral declaration of faith in Christ, withfinal result has been obtained have re- out asking who Christ was. The Orthoturned members of the Left, and in Sicily dox party retorted that no Church ever the Opposition is expected to gain seats. was or ever would be held together by In other words, strong measures against so vague a profession of belief, and they brigandage are supported in provinces insisted that those who denied the evanwhich they will not touch, and are op-gelical doctrines of Christ's birth, his posed, or at least questioned, in provinces death, his resurrection, and his ascension which they will touch. This is by no into heaven, had no right to remain in the means a result which a government sure same religious community as those who of a working majority need regret. It is held those dogmas to be essential to a very good thing for Italy that it should Christianity. The strife became intensely have a strong government, but it is also bitter in Paris some years ago, on account a very good thing that the measures of of the boldness and the eloquence with this government and its acts should which M. Coquerel fils preached a mysbe closely watched and narrowly criti-tical Unitarianism in the name of Protcised by those who represent the districts where its action is to be most immediately felt.

estant Christianity. The Orthodox party declared that such teaching was a scandal to the Reformed Church, and an occasion of malicious delight to her enemies. The controversialists of Rome had predicted that Protestantism could

not stop on the inclined plane of private the Synod decreed that the electoral interpretation, but that it would slide rights of the Church should be given to down to the abyss of rationalism, until it no one who would not, either by word of should find itself in company with a mouth or writing, declare his belief in the scoffing hostility to Christianity, and in- doctrines specified by the resolutions. deed to religion. Bossuet, De Maistre, That edict was made very important by and all the great apologists of Catholi- the fact that the constitution of the cism, had warned the Protestants that in Church is strictly Presbyterian, and cutting themselves loose from the see of hence elections are alike frequent and St. Peter, they had parted from the one necessary. Each church has its own safeguard of their faith; and the small presbytery, which is chosen by the conpupils of those great teachers have gregation. For every 6,000 persons there pointed to the doctrines of M. Coquerel is a consistory, made up of the presbytery fils, and to the applause which they ex- of the chief church in the consistorial cited among the descendants of the Hu- district, and delegations from the lesser guenots, as a proof that Bossuet and De places of worship. The consistories are Maistre were right. Protestants like important bodies, because they not only Guizot agreed with the Catholic censor manage the funds, but they also appoint so far as to admit that the only safeguard the pastors. Thus the disfranchisement against rationalism was a more or less of the Liberals would throw all the govrigid creed, but the Orthodox Protestants erning power and all the pulpits into the could not enforce their opinions until M. hands of their foes. But many of their Thiers permitted the Synod to be con- congregations refused to pay the slightvoked. M. Guizot had exerted all his in- est heed to the orders of the Synod. fluence to obtain that favour, and his They alleged, indeed, that those orders chief object doubtless was to stop the were illegal, because they had not been flood of rationalism. Both parties knew submitted to the Council of State. The that the meeting was to be a trial of question was brought before the minisstrength, and in truth the debates letter of public worship by some Paris electloose the pent-up bitterness of years. Each side was represented by men of great ability, eloquence, and learning. M. Guizot flung himself into the discussion with the energy of youth. M. Chabaud-Latour, who is now the minister of the interior, took part on the same side. M. Bois, one of the most learned theologians of the Church, shaped most of the resolutions. M. Coquerel fils and a crowd of young pastors and elders defended the Liberals with brilliant eloquence, but the Orthodox voters were vic-pricious fashion, if it be true that Rouen torious. They carried resolutions to the effect that the Reformed Church was based on the sovereign authority of the Scriptures, and on faith in Jesus Christ, who died for our sins, and was raised again for our justification.

M. Guizot next urged the government to let the Synod publish that declaration of faith, and the question was referred to the Council of State. At first the Council would not admit the legality of such an act, but it withdrew its objections when the Synod promised that it would not interfere with the liberty of the Churches or with the conscience of the worshippers. The Synod then met once more to draw up the conditions of election, but this time the Liberals did not appear. They contended that it had not been regularly convened. Nevertheless,

ors who had been struck off the rolls for refusing to sign the synodical declaration, but he ruled that the complaint was invalid. Meanwhile, he proceeded to annul most of the elections which had been held in defiance of the new regulations. All the rebellious congregations and consistories, however, were, if the Journal des Débats is rightly informed, not warned at the same time. The notices were sent at irregular intervals, and they were also distributed in a somewhat ca

has escaped the ministerial visitation, in spite of the notorious fact that its elections have been as illegal as some which have been annulled. The inference of the Unitarians is that the government wished to proceed as quietly as it could, in order to prevent a general uprising. But if such was the design, it has failed. The Liberals held a great meeting at Nîmes, on the 7th and the 8th of last month, and they then drew up an appeal in which they virtually defied the government to do its worst. The chiefs of the party have also come to Paris, and they are said to represent forty-two consistories, 260 pastors, and 350,000 Protestants. They have been arranging their plan of defence, and they are to lay their case before the minister of public worship so soon as he shall return to Paris. Mean