nence in the pursuits of literature, and in the efforts of ingenuity and peaceful industry, thus founding their fame in enlarging the capacities of human comfort; a contest as worthy of the enlightened age in which we live, as of the religion which we profess; and with this peculiar advantage attending it, all parties would be successful.

The next event in which we find Sir Robert Peel taking an active part, was the union with Ireland. This measure received his decided support; and being at the head of a large body of manufacturers, and himself deeply interested, his countenance had the best effect in this country. He lamented, however, that the luminous mind of Mr. Pitt could not exercise its full scope, and that, in order to secure his primary object, he felt it necessary to make some concessions to the prejudices of the people in Ireland. By an union of the capacities and exertions of both countries, great commercial advantages would have been derived to the empire. But a free intercourse was forbidden, and they are doomed to remain some years longer parted by restrictive laws and oppressive duties. In the debate on this question in the house of commons, Feb. 14, 1799, after some observations, which regard to consistency induced him to make, he thus continued:

SIR,

"In the year 1785, during the discussion of the Irish arrangements, as they were called, I was a petitioner at your bar against those arrangements with Ireland; and I am warranted in saying, that I carried with me the sentiments of a great proportion of the trading interests of England. The object of those propositions was

to open a freer intercourse betwixt two independent kingdoms; the one possessing great foreign dominions, and an universal commerce; the other possessing no foreign dominions, and very little trade; and, consequently, enjoying separate interests, as they always must, while they have separate legislatures; because they may become separate, in fact. It was apparent, then, that those arrangements, however well intended, would have been prejudicial to the manufactures of Great Britain. The support I have given the present measure, does not arise from a change of sentiments, but of circumstances. This plan embraces great advantages, both political and commercial, which, by uniting two countries into one country, are calculated to add strength and security to the Empire; and is so essentially necessary at this time, when a daring attempt has been made, both by intrigue, and force, to separate the countries, that inferior considerations ought not to weigh against a plan, which bids fair to frustrate such attempts, and to consolidate both the interest, and affections of the sister kingdoms. By an union we shall become one people; and though the benefits in a commercial point of view, will be chiefly enjoyed by Ireland; yet, if an opinion may be formed of the sentiments of the trading body of this nation, from their patriotic and respectful' silence, a disposition is manifested to reach out a friendly arm to their distressed brethren, to raise them from their present unhappy state to a condition of ease and comfort similar to our own. This conduct does the British merchants and manufacturers so much honour, that I feel particular pleasure in classing myself amongst that highly valuable and respectable body of men.

"Though a friend to the principle of the measure, I think it my duty to draw the attention of the house to the sixth resolution. It must be the intention of every one to place both countries on an equal footing; and though nothing can be apprehended unfavourable to this country, during the present low circumstances of Ireland, it may have an operation, at a future time, highly prejudicial to our domeftic industry. Each country is to provide for its own public debt; and that of Great Britain being infinitely larger than the debt of Ireland, heavy taxes are necessarily imposed on almost every article of consumption, which has so strong a tendency to enhance the price of labour,that goods manufactured under such a

pressure,

com

pressure, cannot be rendered on equally low terms with the produce of labour in places where similar burdens do not exist. Unless this objection be removed, the measure cannot be expected to have the concurrence of Great Britain. I feel it the more necessary to urge this point, having perceived a want of that liberality in the Irish government, which characterizes our own. The cor mercial intercourse now subsisting betwixt the two countries, has lost every feature of reciprocity; British manufactures being heavily taxed on their admission into Ireland, whilst the goods of that kingdom meet with every encouragement here. Whatever may be the conduct of Ireland respecting the proposition of an union, I trust the firmness of administration will be such, as to refuse all concession to menace and intrigue; and that the aid which may be deemed necessary to extend in future to that nation, will be received as the genuine offspring of affection: I always will oppose the giving much for nothing, when demanded as a matter of right.

"Having said thus much as a commercial man, I beg the further indulgence of the house as a member of Parliament; though it may be deemed presumption in me to speak on a subject which has engaged the first abilities in this house, and after a display of talents on both sides which never were exceeded. I see, with satisfaction, distinguished members of opposition in their places; because I think that their attendance on great constitutional questions, induces discussions highly useful and gratifying to the nation. I cannot, however, compliment them on the grounds they have taken in the present debate. The interests of Great Britain are so deeply involved in this question, that I did expect the nature, and extent, of the sacrifices to be made on our part would have been strongly laid down, and formed such a contrast to the imperial advantages so forcibly stated by the friends of administration, as to have enabled the house to come to a matured decision on the subject. Not having been so assisted, my first impressions are unaltered; and therefore I shall give the measure my continued support. The independence of the Irish legislature having been nequivocally acknowledged by ministers, as it had been by Parliament, and strenuously insisted on by the other side of the house, I am the more surprised to find, that the measure of union has C 3 been

been debated by the latter on Irish interest only, as if the question were finally to be disposed of here, without being argued elsewhere.

"There are scarcely two opinions in this house, respecting the utility of an union at a proper time, and on fair and equitable terms; though several gentlemen have expressed their marked disapprobation of the measure at this period. Considering the state of Ireland, with a weak government, a disunited people, and with the standard of rebellion erected in many parts of it, this plan is calculated to remove such alarming disorders; and the sooner the remedy is applied the better.

"The manner of bringing forward the resolutions is deemed objectionable. Several gentlemen are of opinion, that they ought first to have been submitted to the Irish parliament, before they had experienced a discussion here. If the union involved in it sacrifices to be made exclusively on the part of Ireland, the complaint would have been just: the contrary, however, being the case, and the concessions confined to Great Britain, such a proceeding would have been highly disrespectful and injurious to this country. "The feelings of pride and national consequence have been awakened in Ireland; they cannot reconcile themselves to the loss of their separate state, and distinct legislature: these are valuable privileges, boasted to have been acquired by their own exertion and patriotism, aided by the liberality of the British parliament. But let me afk, has not Great Britain likewise valuable privileges, pur.. chased with the blood of our ancestors? A distinct kingdom, and an independent legislature? A people united, and removed, from every danger, either foreign or domestic? In forming, there fore, an imperial legislature, Ireland loses no rights which are not Jikewise surrendered by Great Britain: the distinct kingdoms will be mixed into one compact body, and thereby derive additional strength and security: Ireland will gain by the proposed Union, an imperial legislature, instead of a local legislature.

"The small proportion of Irish members forming a part of the imperial parliament is considered by many as a surrender of their independence. That an opinion so unfounded should be entertained by a stranger to the character and constitution of the British parliament does not excite much astonishment; but that it should meet with the smallest countenance from those who have uniformly declared,

declared, that any change in the Irish representation must be for the better, is, I own, a little extraordinary. Every member of this house is a representative of Great Britain, and does not consider his duties confined to the place for which he was chosen. Yorkshire and Lancashire are the most extensive and flourishing counties in England, though individually they are very inadequately represented. When, therefore, the two countries are incorporated, it will be both the duty and inclination of every member composing the imperial parliament, to promote the interest of Ireland equally with that of every other part of the united kingdom. Instead," therefore, of Ireland losing two-thirds of her members, she will increase the number from three hundred to six hundred and fiftyeight; and I shall not be contradicted in saying, if an union should take place, it will be one of their first duties to administer relief, and ameliorate the condition of the people of Ireland, to communicate to them British comforts, and make them as flourishing and happy, as the people of Great Britain are, from enjoying the benefits of a more liberal system.

"The remarks of the honourable member who spoke first (Mr. Hobhouse) respecting an increase of absentees, merits particular. notice. I am ready to admit, to the fullest extent, the injury which has already resulted to the sister kingdom, from this circumstance. In a country, however, governed by equal laws and a free constitution, I see no practicable means of compelling a residence, or removing the existing evil, under the present order of things. The proposed union will have an effect the very reverse of that on which the honourable Gentleman founds his opposition. Scotland," and the parts of England most remote from London, sustain no injury on account of people of rank and property spending a great proportion of their time and income in the capital. Manufactures, and other considerable objects of labour, generally flourish most at a distance from the seat of luxury, and the gay pursuits of genteel Kfe. The want of access to the money circulating in England keeps Ireland comparatively poor and unindustrious. When the British markets are, therefore, laid open, property sent from that king, dom will be returned through the medium of industry, by which an equilibrium will be restored.

The mind, unaccustomed to embrace objects of immense mag.