swords, it will be better. A glorious and inspiring lesson will be given to nations;-a salutary one to tyrants; and the fabric of independence and liberty so raised will be more secure. If Poland falls, the bloody and barbarous tyrant will be execrated-the selfish politician or pusilanimous minister who looked on, will be despised.

The real weakness of the Russian empire begins to be visible, not only to other nations, but, as already observed, to the Russians themselves. Russia has not the elements of national power. Of what avail are vast hordes of a semi-barbarous population, spread over an immense extent of empire, without arts, commerce, exchangeable wealth, industry, knowledge, or even native capacity? They have no system or resources of finance, no produce of manufactures, no produce of the soil at all proportioned to its extent, and their fleets and armies are, for the most, commanded by foreign adventurers.

There appears a solitary spot of enlightened policy in the career of Lord Castlereagh, and Poland was its object. That minister declared, in 1814, at the Congress of Vienna, that it was the desire of the British nation to see an independent power established in Poland, as a separation between the three great empires of Europe. M. de Talleyrand took the same view. The Austrian minister was also most anxious, at the time, to erect Poland into a powerful independent state, and even willing to make a cession of territory for that purpose. But Lord Castlereagh could not go beyond throwing out a generous idea-he could not act upon it-and Poland was sacrificed. Another minister, of more manly character, of principles more generous and direct, more inaccessible to the paltry cajoleries of the late Emperor of Russia, would have established the independence of Poland in 1814. It would be worthy of a British Minister, and the British nation, to interpose between the Poles and extermination in 1831. The nation, it is true, is disposed to hang back, from a vague terror of consequences; but it is the business of a statesman, to guide sometimes, as well as follow national opinion, and rally national feeling.

If the Poles be crushed in the struggle-if, after a repetition of the horrors of Suwarrow, and the amazon-monster Catherine, which have made the name of Russian odious to them, they are again subjected to the yoke of a barbarous tyrant and his savage hordes, irritated by resistance and humiliation, the Minister who, even with some hazard, could have interfered with a prospect of success, and did not, has compromised not only his reputation but his peace of mind. If, on the other hand, the Poles are enabled to continue the struggle and vindicate their independence, their success can still be the result only of protracted warfare. The Russians will not yield at once even to defeat. But, if the late war between the Turks and Greeks, and between the Russians and Turks, threatened the peace of Europe, how much more nearly is peace endangered by the continuance of hostilities between the Russians and Poles ! Are there no elements of change, no discontents, no desire of innovation, no yearnings still after liberty which may be revived among the communities of Germany, in immediate contact with the scene? The sympathy with the Poles, proclaimed by the Hungarians, proves either of two things

that the Court of Vienna regards the contest in which the Poles are engaged with a favouring connivance, or that the people of Hungary take an interest in the Polish cause, the expression of which even despotism cannot put down. A regard for general peace then, as well as for humanity, dictates the interposition of other powers, and especially of England, to put an end to this struggle for tyranny and vengeance on the one part, and for all that is most sacred in right, and generous in virtue, on the other.

England has to retrace her steps and re-establish her reputation in her principles of foreign policy. The war of the French revolution; the spoliation and dismemberment of states, after the fall of Bonaparte; the hereditary German principles of George III., the selfish haughty nonchalance of George IV.; the prevalence, of Tory counsels in the government of both, from North and Pitt, down to Perceval, Liverpool, and Castlereagh, have stamped an illiberal and enslaving character upon her foreign policy. Mr. Canning, during the short period of his ministry, made some progress in replacing Britain in her proper position. Had he not been trammelled by the measures of the Ministry which preceded him, he would have placed the shield, and, if that did not suffice, the sword of England between the constitutional system in Spain, and that infamous complication of fraud and tyranny, the French invasion. He was cut off at the opening of his career, and has left of his foreign policy only the prooemium-to be completed by his successors.

The genius and principles of Lord Grey have as yet been put to no trying proof of foreign statesmanship. The Polish question, however deeply interesting, is locally distant, and does not directly press. But if he should continue minister for no very long period, he will most probably be put to a decisive trial.

It is hardly to be expected that France, Belgium, and Poland will be the only instances of re-action ;-of the recuperative force of the public mind, flinging off the yoke, and bursting the bonds of the Holy Alliance. The Poles may conquer their liberty, or they may be quieted by compromise, or by extermination; but the actual tranquillity, in some other countries, is rather ominous of the coming hurricane than indicative of a settled state. Italy is kept down only by Austrian brute force. It is not alone the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, but the other so called independent states, that wait but the opportunity of revolution and re-action. Their treacherous repose was soon disturbed by the vain hope of sympathy and support from the revolution of July in France. There is, doubtless, indolence and debasement in the Italian character, but there is also a latent dormant power of civilization, knowledge, patriotism, independence, courage, and capacity; an elastic spring of sentiment and aspiration, ready, upon any impulse or occasion, to re-assert itself.

But the most delusive and precarious state of repose, is that of Spain. That kingdom must soon become the theatre of re-action or explosion. There is no people upon earth to which the fortune of nations, and the opinion of mankind, has been so unjust, as the Spaniards. They are regarded as ignorant, bigoted, besotted, servile, barbarous. It is not the fact. They took the lead among Catholic countries, in the last quarter of the last century, in

emancipating the Catholic mind from thraldom; and though fanaticism had a share in the expulsion of the Bonapartean dynasty, patriotism, and the love of liberty, were much more active in the cause. Spain presents a curious phenomenon. The nation is politically constituted in an inverted order. The mass of the common people is as advanced in intelligence as any, and farther than some; but the Government has been for near half a century bigoted, imbecile, and corrupt; the intelligence which ought to be in the governing power, was in the governed mass; the bigotry and barbarism which should be subservient, ruled the public councils; the character of the government has been mistaken for that of the nation, and this confusion of ideas has slandered the character of the Spanish people. If the principles of liberty were not strongly and widely rooted in Spain, why did the Spanish patriots of 1812 employ a cortes and free constitution, as the engine best calculated to bring the national energies into play? Why did Quiroga and Riego, without a military force, and by the mere impulse communicated from the Isle of Leon, to the heart, and remotest extremities of the country, produce a revolution in 1820? Constitutional Spain was subdued when France attacked her with the whole force and frauds of the Government of Louis XVIII; when the other despots of Europe were drawn up behind as a reserve; when England remained neutral. The deductions of reason, independent of particular facts, can leave little doubt that Spain will next, and soon, be the theatre of a re-action. Those who knew any thing of the recent enterprize, would be surprised only by its success, and were prepared for its failure.

Are things settled down in France? We think not. The only question is, whether the change will limit itself to a new set of Ministers, principles and measures. Casimir Perier recovered his majority, and resumed his place, by the parade of sending 50,000 men to drive a third of that number of Dutchmen out of Belgium. His majority is but temporary. The scale was turned for a moment by a mass of inexperienced deputies, whom the crisis, or coup de théatre, took by surprise; who, unable to exercise a discretion, surrendered themselves to the discretion of the Minister; but who will soon be better drilled. This is the cause of the Minister's sudden transition from defeat to triumph in the Chamber.

It is a startling fact, as affecting Louis Philippe, that those who placed him on the throne, are now disgusted with his government, or opposed to it. It is a sufficient proof that his government is unnational, to find that it has called no portion-not a unit of the new energy or talent of France into play. He has, in preference, leagued with the devoted satellites, and men of trimming moderation, under the imperial regime and the restoration. No one who knows any thing of the state of France, will suppose the Government of Louis Philippe stronger than that of Charles X. It is much weaker. The Orleans party up to 1830 was never more than a coterie of ambitious and intriguing adventurers. The name of the Duke of Orleans was never pronounced by the men who fought during the three days. His elevation was the work of a secret conclave, which had no share in the perils and achievements of that revolution. Equality and the Republic are still words of power in France. They comprise the

public spirit and energy of the French people, and Louis Philippe must do homage to them more frankly, or prepare to employ himself again in Switzerland, as Dionysius did at Corinth.

That "a great change must come over the spirit" of the French Government is inevitable. Whether it will be produced by a violent convulsion seems the only doubt. In any case it must vibrate electrically again through Europe, and produce sympathetic re-actions more serious than those even of Belgium and Poland. It is then that Lord Grey's principles of foreign policy, should he continue minister, will be put to the test. He has given, by anticipation, an auspicious pledge. Lord Aberdeen taunted him, insinuated that he had a leaning to liberalism in foreign states. He replied, "I know not what censure or sneers the declaration I am about to make may elicit from the noble Earl, and those who, like him, hold despotic governments in such particular esteem, nor do I much care. Neither shall deter me from stating, fearlessly and explicitly, that I have, and ever had, and ever shall have, a predilection for a form of government founded on freedom, right and justice; and that, on the contrary, I have, ever had, and ever shall have, a feeling of aversion from governments founded on usurpation, and supported by tyranny, cruelty and blood."

STANZAS.

I LOVED her when she looked from me
And hid her stifled sighs,

I loved her too when she did smile
With shy and downcast eyes,
The light within them rounding, "like
The young moon in its rise."

I loved her!-Dost thou love no more,
Now she from thee is flown

To some far distant distant shore,
Unfetter'd and alone?

Peace! peace! I know her; she will come
Again, and be mine own.

A kiss-a sigh-a little word

We changed when we did part;

No more; yet read I in her eyes
The promise of her heart-

And Hope (who from all others flies)
From me will ne'er depart.

So here I live-a lover lone,
Contented with my state,
More sure of love (if she return)

Than others are of hate.
And if she die?-I too can die-

Content still with my fate.

AN EPISODE OF REAL LIFE.

"JUL.-As little by such toys as may be possible,
But sing it to the tune of light o' love.".
"Luc. It is too heavy for so light a tune."

Two Gentlemen of Verona.

I AM sure, Cleveland, you have been astonished at my silence, and I cannot say that either amusement or occupation has withheld me from performing the chief duty and pleasure of my existence. One entire and absorbing interest has lately taken possession of my whole soul, and drawn, as it were, all my powers into itself. It has been said that love is the business of woman's life-but only an EPISODE in that of man. Though my youth has sobered into manhood, and manhood is gliding imperceptibly into old age, yet one "episode" (if so I must call it), of my early days, has been treasured up with but too faithful a remembrance. Judge then, my chosen friend, my second self in all, except the weakness of my nature, what my feelings must have been some weeks ago, when in a ghastly and attenuated being, who leaned his head languidly on the velvet lining of a splendid landau, as it crept along Pall-Mall, I recognized the once handsome and animated B- An uncontrollable impulse led me to remain near the door of the United Service Club, which he was about to enter. His trembling frame was supported at either side, by two footmen as he ascended the steps,-Good God! how painfully altered he appeared!—his cheeks yellow and wrinkled his teeth (for his bluish lips parted over them as he endeavoured to inhale the fine breeze of an April morning) were broken and decayed-his eyes, once so brilliant, black, and penetrating, darting and catching light, now were sunken and changed both in colour and size, and unmeaningly strayed from object to object. It was only when their dullness rested upon me, that any thing like a feeling of life passed over his countenance-then he paused, pressed the servants' arms with his gloved hands, and raised himself to his full height as he peered into my face, with a wandering, undefined expression of dread and uncertainty. This was the action of a moment, his grasp relaxed, and he proceeded up the staircase, with the same restless and bewildered air. My heart ached within me, at the full tide of recollections that rushed upon it; I literally gasped for breath, and involuntarily hastened towards the park, eager to escape from the vision that you will readily believe my imagination conjured up at this strange meeting. I walked rapidly onward, as if memory could be obliterated by violence of motion. It was only natural to suppose that he would return to his native land in the evening of his days, to enjoy the riches and reputation his fortune and his courage had acquired-enjoy! his appearance forbade the idea that he could now enjoy any thing! and I could not, strange as it may seem, avoid repeating to myself" Why is he again here?" He had sufficiently triumphed over me before his departure; he had won golden opinions in that rich land where slavery and magnificence are twin born; and he looked the very personification of those two evils: his frame worn and degraded as slavery itself, his garniture the extravagance or luxury! I had scarcely turned the corner of St. James's,