Liberty, who fructifies all, will not be more sterile for France than she is for all those who exercise their talents under the shelter of her tutelary altars. If all the arbitrary, restrictive and oppressive governments have, during so many ages, been unable to prevent the French genius from creating so many master-pieces, what may not be expected from it when, under the auspices of a government, whose essence is liberty, it may develope all its faculties and reap the reward of its efforts.'

We are sorry, however, to perceive that the conduct of Napoleon is attempted on all occasions to be palliated or excused; and Mr. De Pradt seems to entertain greater apprehensions for thecontinent, from the anticipation of what Russia may possibly effect, than regret for the dread reality she experienced from the actual dominion of Napoleon; whose conquests, according to our author, instead of subjecting the nations to the yoke of military despotism, were only intended to increase their freedom and happiness, and the benign intent of whose ambition was to secure their independence. And it is when he ventures upon remarks like these which follow, that we are not only constrained to express our disapprobation of his sentiments, but to enter our solemn protest, as well against the tendency of his opinions, as the truth of his assertions.

'It was for the advantage of Europe even more than for his own, that Napoleon made war upon Russia; and let us take heed lest the day arrive in which his defeat shall be deplored. All the supremacy, for which Napoleon was so much reproached, would have come to an end; himself would have found the same which nature assigns to all; then would the social order of societies, that is independence, have resumed its ordinary course; whereas in the actual state, dependence is established by the very order of things. But what was found especially more European in the order we analyze, and which resulted from the system of Napoleon, consisted in the union it compelled of all the maritime forces of Europe in a single mass. Hatred and limited views have exposed only the odious part of the enterprise against Spain; they have emulously kept out of sight the part destined to give new life to this languishing monarchy, more durable relations with France, and a uniform direction towards maritime emancipation; consequently the confederation, necessary to effect it, was found ready made, and united as it were in the same hands, what in future must be sought and almost implored. Spain, France, Holland, and all the shores of Italy, presented in this uniform direction a mass of forces which would not have been braved with impunity. Napoleon, to crown this confederacy, gave it the alliance of the United States.'

What, we would ask, was to be the nature of that independence which Europe was to realize in case Napoleon had succeeded in the subjugation of Russia? Was the conquest of England in

such case to be abandoned, and was Napoleon, with the contineut at his feet, to surrender to the people the power he had wrested from them, give back their privileges and their rights, and restore to them that independence, the destruction of which was the end and object of his ambition? The term must indeed have lost its import and significancy, if the independence of nations was to be the result of his conquests and dominion. And what, we would inquire, were the terms of that alliance with the United States, which was to crown this maritime confederacy? And where was that deference thus paid by Napoleon to America? How was it discovered, and in what did it consist? Was it seen in the continued reproaches, contumelies and insults, leveled at our name and country? Was it evidenced by those assurances of friendship intended only to deceive, or those protestations of love and protection made only to decoy our flag into his power, that American property in France and in Spain, in Holland and Italy, to the amount of 100 millions of francs, might be confiscated to replenish the coffers of his imperial treasury? M. De Pradt may be assured that the names of Napoleon and freedom, of imperial France and republican America, could never have been associated.

From the orderly state in which the affairs of Europe are found, there is nothing perceptible in her bosom of a nature to disturb the peace she enjoys. The time of agitations is past. The European tempest is appeased. An irresistible force assigns to each whatever he may have rescued from its violence. The contented and the discontented, the rich and the poor, each must keep the place he occupies, and which the force of things assigns him: the new destinies of Europe chain him there. Whatever has been aggrandized will continue more great, erected on the pedestal of necessity and of fortune. Whatever has dwindled and bent, must derive its consolations from the same sentiment of necessity, and of association with the common good. To five-and-twenty years of agitations long days of tranquillity are about to succeed.'

Such are the conclusions of our author from the present aspect of affairs; the important question now arises, will his predictions be verified? what ground have we of hope, and what cause of apprehension?

The nations of Europe were left in the undisturbed possession of tranquillity and peace, after an age of sufferings and privations, of havoc and of war; and it was to have been supposed that they would have sat down to enjoy, in security, the reward of their labours and their toils. When the long and gloomy reign of terror and despotism had passed away, and the ravages of war had ceased after a period of nearly twenty years continuance, it was to have been expected that the experience of the past would

have had a salutary influence on the minds of those whose thrones had been held in durance at the will of Napoleon, and were now restored by the exertions of their people; that peace would continue to dispense its blessings, and extend its benignant sway, to meliorate the condition and advance the happiness of mankind. Nor was it less to be hoped that the time had now arrived, when man was destined to attain those equal rights and assert those just prerogatives, from the exercise of which he had been so long debarred by tyranny and oppression; and that kings, and potentates, and rulers, from the powerful autocrat of Russia to a petty prince of Germany, would have been compelled to acknowledge, that they were no longer to consider themselves the vicegerents of heaven, born to command and be obeyed: but were now to be taught that they possessed power but to dispense justice; that they had been vested with authority only for the benefit of those over whom they ruled; that all men were born free and equal as to their original political rights, and the privileges they confer; that there should be a code of acknowledged laws, to which all must be bound to submit, and a charter of undisputed rights, which all should equally respect, and by which all should be alike protected. But we fear such expectations are not yet to be realized. There is, on the contrary, too much reason to apprehend that nations have exchanged the despotism of one for the tyranny of many; and that the lessons of experience and the counsels of wisdom will be alike disregarded by those who, in the exercise of a little brief authority, are allowed, by the dispensations of providence, to control the happiness of their fellow men. We find that uneasiness and disaffection exist among the people to a great extent, and are manifested by indications that are not concealed and cannot be misunderstood; while a spirit of reform is discovering itself in every direction, and seems only awaiting a favourable moment to break forth, and show the strength that supports it and the number of its adherents. From the frosts and snows of Russia to the luxuriant fields of Italy the sparks of independence appear gradually to be kindling, and ideas of free constitutions and representative governments, and opinions in accordance with the principles of rational freedom, are, in some instances, boldly advanced, and seem generally and rapidly extending throughout all Europe.

Will the movements we have noticed prove to be indications of an approaching tempest? Will the continent again become the scene of revolution, bloodshed and war; and will the flame, which it was supposed the downfall of Napoleon had extinguished, again be kindled, and set Europe once more in a blaze? Before we look at the situation of the different powers on the continent, and the causes to which they owe their rescue from the do

minion of France, it will be well to recur to the state of Europe during the career of Napoleon, and to the events that preceded and produced his fall.

Seated on a throne, defended by a million of soldiers, Napoleon ruled obedient nations, and the world trembled at a name which associated the recollection of his gigantic power. Italy owning him for king-Holland and the Hanse towns annexed to his empire-the confederation of Germany furnishing him with money and men-Austria his ally, and her army at his disposal Prussia humbled and prostrate in the dust-Sweden having a French marshal for her heir apparent and Denmark engaged in his system, and completely at his disposalwhile, with the exception of Spain and Portugal, where his armies still held a doubtful sway in a contest which his policy may have served to prolong-Russia, of all the powers of the continent, Russia alone, remained to conquer or corrupt. She had indeed subscribed to the terms he dictated at the treaty of Tilsit, but it was found necessary to subdue by force a power too formidable to be left in possession of its strength.

With the most powerful host that Europe ever saw, we find Napoleon entering Russia, her troops in vain opposing his progress, her fortresses in vain bidding defiance to his arms; her army was defeated in battle, and her capital, in flames, submitted to the conqueror, while his eagles were seen hovering in triumph around its smoking ruins: a peace with Alexander was all that now remained to be accomplished by Napoleon, for thus far the resistance of Russia had been useless-her people, mighty as they were, and much as their efforts deserved applause, were unequal to grasp with his tremendous force, and it seemed that no power could arrest his wild career, but the interposing arm of heaven. Napoleon lost in fruitless negociations at Moscow, that time which should have been employed in providing for his army against the rigours of the approaching season. He had but commenced his march for the frontiers of Poland before he began to feel the dreadful effects of the premature severity of a Russian winter, and his retreat from thence to Wilna was a continued series of disasters unparalleled in the annals of war; for of all the vast army, so devoted to his fortunes, which but a few weeks since he commanded in the pride of victory and conquest, of that army which kept the world in awe and Europe in subjection, but fifty thousand men could be assembled beyond the Nieman. Napoleon returned to France, humbled but not subdued. But so great, still, was his strength, and so powerful were his resources, such was the devotion of his senate, and so unbounded the confidence of his troops, that the succeeding spring enabled him again, to lead a conquering army to the field. The successive victories of Lutzen, and Boutzen,

and Wurtzen, having restored to him, with the important exception of Prussia, almost all that he had lost in his retreat from Russia, and placing him in a situation not to sue for peace, but as he thought to dictate it; inspired by an overweening confidence in the fortune that had hitherto attended his eagles in battle, he refused the terms that were offered him on the conclusion of the armistice; and with the vanguard of his army in Silesia, and the whole line of the Elbe in his possession, with all its strong and almost impregnable fortresses garrisoned by his troops, he seemed almost to command his destiny by immediately gaining the victory of Dresden. It was there the choicest troops of Austria and Russia were defeated; and the unfortunate Moreau, whose skill had planned the attack, and whose genius directed their movements, sacrificed a life that should never have been hazarded on the side he espoused, and in whose defence he so ingloriously fell—a life that under other auspices, might have been useful in the cause, and should have been spared to the service of his country.

But this was the last important battle Napoleon was destined to gain the iron grasp by which kingdoms had been enslaved, and nations held in bondage, was now relaxing-the charm of invincibility was soon to be broken-the hour of retribution was at hand. The people had risen in their strength; the forces of Russia and of Sweden, of Prussia and of Austria, aided by the population of all the states of Germany, were now swelling the rapid tide which was to prostrate the strength of Napoleon. The plains of Leipsig witnessed the mighty contest of nations combating for freedom, and ambition struggling to retain its power. The issue could not be doubtful; the troops of France were driven beyond the Rhine-and the liberation of Europe was sealed in the blood of its people. The scene was now changed. The allied troops in their turn became the assailants, the war was carried on in the heart of France, and, after an ineffectual though protracted resistance, her capital was taken, and Napoleon dethroned and exiled to Elba; when the Bourbons were rcalled from England, where they had dwelt in exile for nearly a quarter of a century. They were not demanded by the army of France, nor were they the choice of her people the former dared not act, the latter were not consulted; neither was the senate convened to deliberate, nor the legislative assembly required to give its voice. The allied powers willed that they should assume the sceptre, and Louis was seated on his throne by the conquerors of his country. It was now attempted to establish the divine right of kings in its most unlimited construction. The period comprising the absence of the Bourbon dynasty was considered an interregnum, and Louis, calculating from the death of the dauphin of France, styled