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SYNTAX OF PASSIVE VERBS. 199. The prevalence of a passive construction is the most remarkable feature in the syntax of this language. Passive verbs are joined with the agent, instrument, or cause, in the instrumental case,* and agree with the object in number and person ; as, ama TH 34, “the dust is raised by the wind”; NA GUIU Hot Toyoni, “ let all things be prepared by him "; gyfare TIGRIS autant, "the sun was concealed by arrows." But the passive participle, as elsewhere observed, usually takes the place of the past tenses of the passive verb, and agrees with the object in gender as well as number; as, a Elfu hamfa arcu,“(their) eyes were suffused with tears "; ha 5* (3& being understood), “ it was said by him.” This is the favourite construction of Sanscrit prose composition, and the love for this idiom is very remarkably displayed in such phrases as the following : दुःखेन गम्यते, “he is gone to by misery,” for दुखं ofa; and MRINI TAG, "let it become by your majesty," for आगच्छतु देवः; and again, अस्माभिर् एकत्र स्थीयतां, “let it be remained by us in one spot,” for “let us remain in one spot "; OT ATTU ata trini,“ by whatever road it is desired, by that let it be gone."
a. Active or causal verbs, which take a double accusative, will retain one accusative when constructed påssively; but the other accusative passes into a nominative case : thus, instead of A Aİ YETU Jan, “he addressed me in harsh words,” may be written a youtu Ji, “by him I was addressed in harsh words.”
SYNTAX OF THE INFINITIVE. 200. The student must guard against supposing that the infinitive, in Sanscrit, may be used with the same latitude as in other languages. Its use is very limited, corresponding rather to that of the Latin supines, as, indeed, its termination um may be supposed to indicate. And this restriction in the employment of a part of speech so important, might be expected to cripple very seriously the syntactical capabilities of the language, were it not that the power of compounding words abundantly compensates for any such deficiency. Let the student, therefore, accurately distinguish between the infinitive of Sanscrit, and the infinitive of the classical languages. In these latter we have this part of speech constantly made the subject of a proposition; or, in other words, standing in the place of a nominative, and an accusative case often admissible before it. We have it also assuming different forms, to express present, past, or future time, and completeness or incompleteness in the progress of the action. The Sanscrit infinitive, on the other hand, can never be made the subject or nominative case to a verb, admits of no accusative before it, and can only express indeterminate time and incomplete action. Wherever it occurs it must always be considered as the object, and never the subject, of some verb expressed or understood. And as the object of the verb, it may be regarded as equivalent to an indeclinable substantive, in which the force of two cases, an accusative and dative,* is inherent, and which differs from other substantives in its power of governing a case. Its use as a substantive with the force of the accusative case corresponds to one use of the Latin infinitive; thus, ma h aifa, “I desire to hear all that," “id audire cupio,” where with and audire are both equivalent to accusative cases, themselves also governing an accusative. Similarly, रोदितुं प्रवृत्ता, “ she began to weep'; and महीं जेतुम् आरभे, “ he began to conquer the earth,” where HEFUH WICH,“ he began the conquest of the earth,” would be equally correct. But the Sanscrit infinitive appears most commonly in the character of a substantive with the force of a dative case; or, in other words, will be found in most instances to involve a sense which belongs especially to the Sanscrit dative, viz. that of the end or purpose for which any thing is done, and which it would often be equally idiomatic to express by that case ; thus, 1997 faga wiosfor, "he comes to devour the young ones "; TT E Hai EUTA, “he sent an army to fight the enemy.” In these cases it would be equally correct in Sanscrit to substitute for the infinitive the dative case of the verbal noun formed with the affix ana ; thus, varuru, " for the eating "; TATA, “ for the fighting "; and in Latin the infinitive could not be used at all, but either the supine, devoratum, pugnatum, or still more properly, the conjunction with the subjunctive mood, “ut devoret,” “ut pugnarent." The following are other examples in which the infinitive has a dative force in expressing the purpose of the action : पानीयं पातुं नदीम् अगमत, “ he went to the river to drink water '; मम बन्धनं छेत्रम् उपसर्पति, “ he comes to cut asunder my bonds"; मां त्रातुं समर्थः (अस्ति being understood), “he is able to rescue me *; 99117 Hafu h a ta, “he busied himself about collecting together the snares."
* There are a few instances of the agent in the genitive case; as, HH qni aru, “a crime committed by me,” for HOT.
* Bopp considers the termination of the infinitive to be the accusative of the affix a, and it is certain that in the Vedas an irregular infinitive in mà and ma is found, which would seem to be the dative of the same affix. See Panini 3. 4. 9.
a. The Sanscrit infinitive, therefore, rather deserves the name of a supine than an infinitive, and in its character of supine is susceptible of either an active or passive signification. In its passive character, however, like the Latin supine in u, it is joined with certain words only, the most usual being the passive verb 75, “to be able,” and its derivatives; thus, at
a y an, “the snare cannot be cut "; a tant: FATTO À chat., “those evils cannot be remedied." The following are other instances : H454: ar faqen wyrar:, “the shed was begun to be built "; 1 urad vara fatafuni, “your honour has been selected to be inaugurated to the kingdom ”; wefa sin, “it deserves to be done " (Naishadiya, 5. 112.); open ugfart, “improper to be done" (cf. factu indignum and moreîv aloxpóv).
6. The root “to deserve,” when used in combination with an infinitive, is usually equivalent to an entreaty or respectful imperative; as, PRTO OTT TETTE vefa, “deign (or simply be pleased') to tell us our duties.” It sometimes has the force of the Latin debet ; as, न माहशी त्वाम् अभिभाष्टुम् अर्हति, "such a person as I ought not to address you"; a pri face with, "you ought not to bewail him."
c. The infinitive is sometimes joined with the noun DTH, “desire,” to form a kind of compound adjective, expressive of the “wish to do any thing,” and the final m of the infinitive is then rejected; thus, Gala:, -AT, -Å, “ desirous of seeing"; sama:, -AT, -#, “wishing to conquer.”
USE AND CONNEXION OF THE TENSES. 201. PRESENT TENSE.—This tense, besides its proper use, is frequently used for the future; as, h Tata, "whither shall I go?” They mai agarfa,“ when shall I see thee?"
a. In narration it is commonly used for the past tense; as,
fat ang anuman a, “he, having touched the ground, touches his ears and says."
b. It may denote habitual or repeated action; as, Hut: URE TE TRI TRI BICfa, “ the deer going there every day was in the habit of eating the corn"; UCT # afar spulfa agi faste Hageft,“ whenever he heard the noise of the mouse then he would feed the cat."
c. It is usually found after ytan; as, ataq À Font a fost area na uigi faara, “as long as my teeth do not break, so long will I gnaw asunder your fetters.” (Cf. the use of dum).
d. The present tense of the root WTA, “to sit,” “remain," is used with the present participle of another verb to denote continuous or simultaneous action ; as, पशनां बधं कुर्खन आस्ते, “ he keeps making a slaughter of the beasts"; मम पश्चाद WTOE WIT, “he is in the act of coming after me.”
e. The particle 79, when used with the present, gives it the force of a perfect; as, fagfest i go', “ they entered the city.”
202. FIRST PRETERITE.—Although this tense properly has reference to past incomplete action, and has been so rendered in the examples given at pp. 101–128., yet the student must guard against supposing that this is its usual force. It is most commonly used to denote indefinite past time, without any necessary connexion with another action; as, O HEIDI AMH was, “I made an effort to collect wealth,” not necessarily, “I was making."
203. POTENTIAL.—The name of this tense is no guide to its numerous uses. Perhaps its most common force is that of fitness in phrases, where in Latin we should expect to find oportet with the infinitive; as, आगतं भयं वीक्ष्य नः कुर्याद् यथोचितं, “ having beheld danger actually present, a man should act in a becoming manner.”
a. It is also employed, as might be expected, in indefinite general expressions; as, 4R Ta: F917, “whatever may be the disposition of any one”; UGT UTT स्वयं न कुर्यात् कार्यदर्शनं, “when the king may not himself make investigation of the case”; with
an inte WATCİ, “by uttering unseasonable words one may meet with dishonour.”
b. Especially in conditional sentences; as, ufc 75 GIS a purta ENTRI affa 7 FOTO Hilaman CC, “ if the king were not to inflict punishment, ownership would remain with nobody, and all barriers would be broken
down.” Sometimes the conjunction is omitted ; as, a tant,“ should it not be so "; a fata orrutat:, “were he not subject to another.”
c. The potential often occurs as a softened imperative, this language, in common with others in the East, being averse to the more abrupt form ; thus, Tat:, “do thou go," for yok; and WET Picofa, “let him eat fruits,” for 9.
204. IMPERATIVE.—This tense yields the usual force of “command " or “entreaty "; as, wlufHfE, “take courage "; ATH WIT, “ remember me." AT and not ū must be used in prohibition ; as, wgh Tafe, “do not tell a falsehood." The first person is used to express necessity, see example, r. 172.
a. It is sometimes employed in conditional phrases to express contingency; as, wgarfe HT TETA,“ permit me (and) I will go," i.e. “ if you will permit me, I will go "; wig1144 Eft u , “ if you command me I will kill the villain”; pasta À ya Taifa, “if you give me a promise of security I will go.”
205. SECOND PRETERITE.—As observed at p. 57., this tense is properly used to express an action done at some definite period of past time; as,
g afi care tingi, “Kaushalyā and the others bewailed king Dasharatha.” It is frequently, however, employed indeterminately.
206. FIRST FUTURE.—This tense expresses definite futurity; as, तासु दिक्ष कामस्य फलं लग्यासि, "in those regions thou shalt obtain the fruit of thy desire "; but is rarely found.
207. SECOND FUTURE.—This tense, although properly indefinite, is employed to express all degrees and kinds of futurity, immediate or remote, definite or indefinite; as, Fiz : orefa, “thou shalt drink sweet water "; i wapi uni safa, “there certainly he will see his wife.”
a. It is sometimes used for the imperative; as, uc Sng cefa, "whatever is to be given that you will give" (do thou give).
208. THIRD PRETERITE.—This tense properly expresses time indefinitely past ; as, a qu:, “there lived (in former times) a king.” It is not, however, often used as a past tense by earlier writers, but is frequently employed to supply the place of the imperative, after the prohibitive particle #lor ATTA, the augment being omitted ; as, AT get:, “do not make "; Tratat: #HU, “do not lose the opportunity "; ATFA Wri aict:, “do not tell an untruth "; AT 4:, “do not be angry "; AT :, “do not grieve "; AT fa:, “ do not injure."