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as it was Roman, it maintained a tolerably intellectual religion; but everything had to be made coarse and material to suit the tastes of the savages who brought desolation on the old world. In the night of the dark ages, everything was debased; the clergy turned religion into a mummery in the hope of influencing the wild worshippers who half feared, half despised them. We may think our author takes too favourable a view of the church before the German invasions. St Chrysostom and others hardly bear him out in his statements as to its purity: but he certainly does not exaggerate its after degradation; and we recommend to our lively Cambridge History professor the passages in which he triumphantly proves what incalculable mischief the "Teutons" did to the European world

Thérèse's feelings at the Bordeaux convent are set forth at large in her letters to Loubaire, who is urgent on her to come to Paris, and who says (when he hears how the curé presses her to stay), "Take care they don't get hold of any more of your fortune." The end is, that Thérèse leaves half of her remaining money to establish a "branch" convent, and goes to Paris, where she meets Loubaire and a certain Bishop A., who had been forced to resign his bishopric and accept a canonry at St Denis on account of his sympathy with Julio, and also one Père Cambiac, ex-Jesuit, turned out of the body because of his honest simplicity of character. They at once start the "Church of the Future." The bishop writes a book, evidently "Le Maudit," which sells immensely. They hold réunions of all the more enlightened Christians whom they can bring together. Above all, they strive to work, by Thérèse's means, on the women, and to emancipate them from their thraldom to the monks to shew them the hollowness of the méthode artificielle de la spiritualité, the method which crowds the whole duty of life into some ten days of seraphic devotion. Their work goes on zealously: their programme is the same as that of Julio-in fact, they simply aim at carrying his theories into practice. They will not quit the church, nor break with Rome nor with the bishops "who sit in Moses' seat." They will have no schism, no heresy. And yet they will separate entirely from the fanatic ultramontrane party," the Pharisees of our day," whose illtimed stubbornness is ruining the church. Naturally they get dreaded and plotted against by the Jesuits. Hack scribes are employed to write down their book; and a young Gascon noble, brought up at a Jesuit school, but a friend of one of Thérèse's friends, is made spy over all that goes on at the reunions. This young man is hideously ugly (but for this the Jesuit would have got him a wife); yet he persists in falling in love with Thérèse. She will have nothing to say to him; and partly out of jealousy of Loubaire, partly out of fanaticism, he works himself

up into such a state of frenzy, that he persuades his conscience that by killing Loubaire he will be doing a good deed. Armed with a dagger, as St Mary's knight, he waylays the poor reformer, and stabs him on the bishop's doorstep just as he is leaving one of their conferences. Loubaire has just time to cry, "Baron, I forgive you," when the police come up; but the Gascon had fled, and starting at once for the frontier, enters a Trappist House in the Valais.

Thus the work ends in a sufficiently "sensation" manner, as if to compensate for any want of action in the earlier part. And now we must part from our Abbé * * whom we do not think we are wrong in identifying with L'Abbé Michon, author of De la Renovation de l'Eglise, and other pamphlets. We have given an outline of the two tales; but we say, read the work for yourselves-in French, if possible; so very much which in French is truly beautiful falls flat, or else seems horribly bombastic in a translation. One point we must hint at. The author speaks of shunning all heresy; and yet (under the pretext that they are not 'dogma') he attacks with great vehemence several doctrines, dear alike to Romanists and Protestants. The eternity of punishment seems to stagger him the most: we must not croire Dieu méchant; and he brings a crowd of passages to shew that is rdv aiva merely means for an unlimited period. In fact, if Renan is the French Colenso, the Abbé * * * has a fair title to be called its Maurice. He is very earnest, moreover, in favour of the marriage of the clergy; but he often laments that internal reform is impossible, owing to the blindness of the clergy; and that so we must look for a repetition of "the evils of an external reformation like that of Luther." The following extract will give a farther insight into his views:-

"Julio's scheme was very simple :-Total separation between Church and State, in the natural interests of both; liberty of conscience-unmistakeably proclaimed in the gospel by the words and deeds of the Great Head of the church, as illustrated in his rebuke of those who would fain have brought down fire from heaven on an unbelieving city; the Papacy, free from the cares of royalty; the Episcopacy, recognising its obligations; the inferior clergy emancipated from the perpetual obligation of their priestly vows: such were the outlines of the Reformation which the Catholic Liberal proposed in its first impression. The whole idea was Gallicanism disenthralled from the bondage of civil power, and a thorough return to the teaching of the first ages of the church. A pleasant morsel this for the digestion of a pontifical and priestly oligarchy. It is easy to imagine the mingled sensations which so original a publication would occasion in the 'religious world.""

We have preferred giving a thorough analysis of these vol

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umes to making extracts, which would be of little value apart from their context. One passage we cannot help quoting. Loubaire is at Rome, trying to rescue Julio from the Inquisition. He has got hold of a young priest of high position about the Papal court; this man at once accepts a bribe and undertakes to get Julio set free; but after coming two or three times for more money he disappears, and poor Loubaire finds he has been made a fool of. The following is their first interview :

"This is the buona mano," said Loubaire, intended for the man who will help me in the rescue of an unlucky friend of mine.' "Which might easily be accomplished,' replied the prelate, at once taking the bait.

"If you undertook it thoroughly, it might certainly be managed." "Then I will, with all my heart. State the particulars.'

"They are very simple-a mere piece of imprudence. A young priest, a friend of mine, has been silly enough to drop into the clutches of the Holy Office.'

"Oh, oh! the Holy Office. A powerful institution that, signor.' "Nonsense! Do you mean to tell me that you fellows, attached to the pope's person, can't do anything you please. Come now, look at this money; handle it if you like. Do what I ask, and it is yours.'

"The Italian cast a greedy look on the golden heap, so carefully piled up, and so bright looking.

"Are you speaking seriously?' he asked.

"Most unquestionably I am.'

"It is a grave matter, you see. I might ruin my future prospects. To ensure success,' continued he, with a look of profound reflection, in fact, to do the thing effectually, I think it would be well to treble the amount. In that case I undertake the commission.'

"By all means; here are four more lots, making two-thirds of the sum I have set apart for the purpose.'

"You understand that I consent to this agreement, and promise my co-operation in the matter you have at heart, because it is of so laudable a character; otherwise I would not touch the money, of which not a single coin will stay in my private pocket. Ah, Signor Abbate, it is so difficult, at present, to succeed in any enterprise at Rome.'

So true still is that bitter word of Juvenal, "Everything at Rome has its price." And now we must close the book. It is one which will not soon pass into oblivion. There is a far greater "movement” in France than we over here suspect. The breaking up of the temporal power will be a vast help to the party of progress; it will deprive Popery of its vast numerical strength, for the half-hearted and time-servers will desert a

failing cause. Meanwhile, we here must watch and praywatch against our own dangers, which are many; and pray that the Gallican church, while it casts off the fatal errors of Popery, may be yet preserved from the still more deadly evils of infidelity.

F.

ART. V.-Hofmann and his Opponents.

Herr Dr von Hofmann gegenüber der lutherischen Versöhnungs und Rechtfertigungslehre (Dr von Hofmann opposed to the Lutheran Doctrine of the Atonement and Justification). By Dr F. A. PHILIPPI. Frankfort and Erlangen. 1856.

Dr von Hofmann's Lehre von der Versöhnung (Dr von Hofmann's Doctrine of the Atonement). By Dr HEINRICH SCHMID. Nördlingen. 1856. Das Bekenntniss der lutherischen Kirche von der Versöhnung (The_Confession of the Lutheran Church on the Atonement). By Dr G. THOMASIUS. Erlangen. 1857.

Schutzschriften für eine neue Weise alte Wahrheit zu lehren (Defence of a New Way of Teaching the Old Truth). Four parts. By Dr J. CHR. K. VON HOFMANN. Nördlingen. 1856-9.

Die Lehre von der stellvertretenden Genugthuung in der heiligen Schrift be gründet (The Doctrine of Vicarious Satisfaction founded on Holy Scriptures). By Dr J. H. A. EBRARD. Königsberg. 1857.

N a former article, we endeavoured to give a sketch of the views on the subject of the atonement which are held by Dr von Hofmann of Erlangen, and which have given rise to much opposition and controversy in Germany. We do not think that his peculiar theory is ever likely to make much way in this country; it is too essentially German, both in substance and in form, to do so; but it is not the less, we conceive, worthy of study, not only from the intrinsic importance of the doctrine itself, but from the circumstance that both in its excellencies and in its defects the theory in question coincides with the prevailing tendency of theological thought and opinion in the present day, both at home and abroad. For this reason we thought it worth while to bestow some pains on the study and explanation of its nature, and its leading excellencies and defects. To some, perhaps, it may have seemed, as if it were hardly consistent to find so much to praise in a theory that labours under such a fatal defect as we hold it to do, and that we ought not to have passed over so briefly its deficiencies and errors. But it is surely the most useful way of dealing with any erroneous system, to endeavour to understand it fully and fairly, and to appreciate what good there is in it, that gives

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to it its charm and attraction, in order that this may be secured and preserved, while the error is removed or the defect supplied that mars its completeness and correctness; and not to overwhelm the bad and the good together in the common ruin of an indiscriminate censure. It was certainly not because we underrate or think lightly of the deficiency of Hofmann's theology on this point, that we passed it over with little more than a bare mention; for we regard it as a fundamental and far-reaching defect. We may make this perhaps more evident by returning to the subject, and giving some further account of the controversy.

It was from Rostock, which, like Erlangen, is a great stronghold of the new Lutheran school, that the first decided protest was raised against Hofmann's views. Dr Philippi, one of the professors there, entered the lists as the champion of orthodoxy, denouncing the Schriftbeweis as a deviation from the standards of the church. His pamphlet displays much ability, and contains many striking thoughts and passages. But he is too one-sided and extreme, and apparently does not understand his opponent's system, for he ascribes to him much that may, indeed, be the tendency of his views, but is far enough removed from his actual opinions. For this, indeed, he may have some excuse, as even Hofmann's friends admit that he writes obscurely, and is apt to appear more heterodox than he really is. In the first part of his Defence, Hofmann vindicates his doctrine against the misrepresentations of Philippi, and this pamphlet is valuable as a help to the understanding of his real meaning. Dr Schmid, one of the professors at Erlangen, also vindicates his colleague from Philippi's charges. He has a much better apprehension of the true nature of his system, and without himself either adopting or condemning it, he maintains that it is quite legitimate within the Lutheran Church, as not contradicting the confessions, though deviating from the systems of the old divines. Dr Thomasius next appeared on the field, in a pamphlet against Hofmann. He begins with a careful statement of the orthodox doctrine drawn from the Lutheran Confessions, and then gives a very thorough and interesting history of the views and discussions about it in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It is easy to see that his forte lies in dogmatics, as this is the most satisfactory part of his treatise, and his statement of the orthodox doctrine is the most clear, accurate, and judicious of any in this controversy. His criticism on Hofmann's system is not so satisfactory; he condemns it as heterodox, but seems somewhat shaken in his unfavourable judgment by some of Hofmann's explanations in his