not see why, when he was so near the prince, he should not take him; she was offended, and with some warmth asked him, 66 Quand vous étiez și près, pourquoi n'avez-vous pas pris le prince?” That great officer, who knew his business, answered coolly, "J'avois peur, madame, qu'il ne m'eût pris."

The ministry tell you, that the Americans will not abide by the congress;-they are tired of the associa tion. True, many of the merchants may be ;—but it does not now depend on the merchants, nor do the accounts come even from the principal merchants, but from the runners of ministry. But, were the dissatisfaction among the merchants ever so great, the account is no way conformable to the nature of America.

The nation of America, who have the virtues of the people they sprung from, will not be slaves. Their language is: If trade and slavery are companions, we quit the trade;let trade and slavery go where they will,they are not for us.

Your anger represents them as refractory and ungrate ful, in not submitting to the parent they sprang from: but they are, in truth, grown an accession of strength to this country; they know their importance; they wish to continue their utility to you; but though they may be sick of the association, those sons of the earth will never be dissuaded from their association.

After the repeal of the stamp act, two years after, I was in the country, an hundred miles off:—a gentleman who knew the country, told me, that if regiments had landed at that time, and ships had been sent to destroy the towns, they had come to a resolution to retire back into the country. It is a fact.-A noble lord smiles: if I were to mention the gentleman's name, it would not increase his smile.

I wish the young gentlemen of our time would imitate those Americans. that are misrepresented to them;—I wish they would imitate their frugality; I wish they would imitate that liberty, which the Americans love better than life; imitate that courage, which a love of liberty produces.-- -One word more.-I will send my plan, if the state of a miserable constitution stretches me on a sick-bed. It is to put an end to the quarrel. "What before you know whether they will come to

terms?" Yes, let my expectations be what they will, I should recall the troops; it partakes of a nullity to ac⚫ept submission under the influence of arms.

I foretell these bills must be repealed:-I submit to be called an idiot, if they are not.-Three millions of men ready to be armed, and talk of forcing them!

There may be dangerous men, and dangerous councils, who would instil bad doctrines, advise the enslaving of America: they might not endanger the crown, perhaps ; but they would render it not worth the wearing.

The cause of America is allied to every true whig. They will not bear the enslaving of America. Some whigs may love their fortunes better than their principle: but the body of whigs will join; they will not enslave America. The whole Irish nation, all the true English whigs, the whole nation of America, these combined, make many millions of whigs averse to the system. France has her full attention upon you; war is at your door; carrying a question here, will not save your country in such extremities.

This being the state of things, my advice is, to proceed to allay heats: I would at the instant begin and do some thing towards allaying and softening resentment.

My motion, you see, respects the army, and their dangerous situation. Not to undervalue general Gage, who has served with credit,-he acts upon his instructions; if he has not been alert enough to shed blood;

Non dimicare quam vincere maluit.

And he judged well.-The Americans too have acted with a prudence and moderation that had been worthy of our example, were we wise:-to their moderation it is owing, that our troops have so long remained in safety.

Mal-administration has run its line,—it has not a move left, it is a check-mate. Forty thousand men are not adequate to the idea of subduing them to your taxation. Taxation exists only in representation: take them to your heart; who knows what their generosity may effect?

I am not to be understood as meaning a naked, unconditional repeal;-no, I would maintain the supe riority of this country at all events. But you are an

xious who shall disarm first. That great poet, and, perhaps, a wiser and greater politician than ever he was a poet, has given you wisest counsel;-follow it:

Tuque prior, tu parce; genus qui ducis Olympo.

Projice tela manu.

Who is this man that will own this system of force as practicable? And is it not the height of folly to pursue a system that is owned to be impracticable?—I therefore move, that an humble address be presented to his majesty, most humbly to advise and beseech his majesty, that in order to open the way towards a happy settlement of the dangerous troubles in America, by beginning to allay ferments, and soften animosities there; and above all, for preventing, in the mean time, any sudden、 and fatal catastrophe at Boston, now suffering under the daily irritation of an army before their eyes, posted in their town, it may graciously please his majesty, that immediate orders may be dispatched to general Gage, for removing his majesty's forces from the town of Boston, as soon as the rigour of the season, and other circumstances, indispensable to the safety and accommodation of the said troops, may render the same practicable.

XLIV. Mr. Fox, on American affairs.

You have now two wars before you, of which you must choose one, for both you cannot support. The war against America has hitherto been carried on against her alone, unassisted by any ally whatever: notwithstanding she stood alone, you have been obliged uniformly to increase your exertions, and to push your efforts in the end to the extent of your power, without being able to bring it to an issue; you have exerted all your force hitherto without effect, and you cannot now divide a force found already inadequate to its object. My opinion is for withdrawing your forces from America entirely, for a defensive war you can never think of there of any sort; a defensive war would ruin this nation at any time, and in any circumstances: offensive war is pointed out as proper for this country; our situation

!

points it out, and the spirit of the nation impels us to at tack rather than defence: attack France then, for she is your object. The nature of the wars is quite different: the war against America is against your own countrymen, you have stopped me from saying against your fellow-subjects; that against France is against your inveterate enemy and rival. Every blow you strike in America is against yourselves; it is against all idea of reconciliation, and against your own interest, though you should be able, as you never will, to force them to submit. Every stroke against France is of advantage to you: the more you lower the scale in which France lays in the balance, the more your own rises, and the more the Americans will be detached from her as useless to them. Even your own victories over America are in favour of France, from what they must cost you in men and money your victories over France will be felt by her ally. America must be conquered in France; France never can be conquered in America.

The war of the Americans is a war of passion; it is of such a nature as to be supported by the most powerful virtues, love of liberty and of their country; and, at the same time, by those passions in the human heart which give courage, strength, and perseverance to man; the spirit of revenge, for the injuries you have done them; of retaliation, for the hardships you have inflicted on them; and of opposition to the unjust powers you have exercised over them. Every thing combines to animate them to this war, and such a war is without end; for whatever obstinacy, enthusiasm ever inspired man with, you will now find it in America: no matter what gives birth to that enthusiasm, whether the name of religion or of liberty, the effects are the same; it inspires a spirit that is unconquerable, and solicitous to undergo difficulty, danger, and hardship: and as long as there is a man in America, a being formed such as we are, you will have him present himself against you in the field. The war of

France is a war of another sort; the war of France is a war of interest: it was her interest first induced her to engage in it, and it is by that interest that she will measure its continuance. Turn your face at once against her, attack her wherever she is exposed, crush her commerce whatever you can, make her feel heavy and im

mediate distress throughout the nation: the people will soon cry out to their government. Whilst the advantages she promises herself are remote and uncertain, inflict present evils and distresses upon her subjects: the people will become discontented and clamorous; she will find it a bad bargain, having entered into this business; and you will force her to desert any ally that brings so much trouble, and distress, and misfortune, the advantages of whose alliance may never take effect; or if they should be subject always to disturbance from this country, which it always ought to be, and which I know you are able to give, if you once get your hands clear of America. What is become of the ancient spirit of this nation? Where is the national spirit that ever did honour to this country? Have the present ministry spent that too, with almost the last shilling of your money? Are they not ashamed of the temporizing conduct they have used towards France? Her correspondence with America has been clandestine: compare that with their conduct towards Holland, some time ago;—but it is the characteristic of little minds to be exact in little things, whilst they shrink from their rights in great

ones.

66

The conduct of France is called clandestine: look back but a year ago to a letter from one of your secretaries of state to Holland; it is with surprise and indignation" your conduct is seen, in something done by a petty governor of an island, while they affect to call the measures of France clandestine. This is the way that ministers support the character of the nation, and the national honour and glory. But look again how that same Holland is spoke of to-day; even in your correspondence with her your littleness appears:

Pauper & exui uterque,

Projecit ampullas, & sesquipedalia verba.

How

From this you may judge of your situation, from this you may know what a state you are reduced to. will the French party in Holland exult over you, and grow strong! She will never continue your ally, when you meanly crouch to France, and do not dare to stir in your defence! But it is nothing extraordinary that she should not, while you keep the ministers you have<