though perhaps fallaciously applied; and at least such an appearance of reasoning and knowledge, as sets the writer far above the level of the contemptible scribblers of the ministerial vindication:-a herd of wretches whom neither information can enlighten, nor affluence elevate; low drudges of scurrility, whose scandal is harmless for want of wit, and whose opposition is only troublesome from the pertinaciousness of stupidity.

Why such immense sums are distributed amongst these. reptiles, it is scarce possible not to enquire; for it cannot be imagined that those who pay them expect any support from their abilities. If their patrons would read their writings, their salaries would quickly be withdrawn; for a few pages would convince them, that they can nei ther attack nor defend, neither raise any man's reputa.. tion by panegyric, nor destroy it by their defamation.

XLII. Sir Robert Walpole's reply.

I HOPE it is not expected, sir, that the heat with which . one class of our political writers have been attacked by the honourable gentleman, should engage me to under. take their defence with the same earnestness. I have neither interest enough in the question to awaken my passions, nor curiosity or leisure sufficient for such an examination of the writings on each side as is necessary, before the superiority of any author above his brethren can be justly asserted..

It is no part, sir, of my employment or amusement to compare their arguments, or to balance their abilities ;nor do I often read the papers of either party, except when I am informed by some that have more inclinationto such studies than myself, that they have risen by some accident above their common level.

Yet, that I may not appear entirely to desert the question, I cannot forbear to say, that I have, never, from these accidental inspections of their performances discovered any reason to exalt the authors who write against the administration, to a higher degree of reputation than their opponents. That any of them deserve loud ap

plauses, I cannot assert, and am afraid that all which deserves to be preserved of the writings on either side, may be contracted to a very few volumes.

The writers for the opposition appear to me to be nothing more than the echoes of their predecessors; or, what is still more despicable, of themselves; and to have produced nothing in the last seven years, which had not been said seven years before.

I may, perhaps, be thought by some gentlemen of each class, to speak contemptuously of their advocates, nor shall I think my own opinion less just for such a censure; for the reputation of controversial writers arises generally from the prepossession of their readers, in favour of the opinions which they endeavour to defend. Men easily admit the force of an argument which tends to support notions that it is their interest to diffuse, and readily find wit and spirit in a satire pointed at characters which they desire to depress. But to the opposite party, and even to themselves when their passions have subsided, and their interest is disunited from the question, those arguments appear only loud assertions, or empty sophistry; and that wit which was clamorously praised, discovers itself to be only impudence or low conceits; the spirit evaporates, and the malignity only remains.

If we consider, sir, what opposition of character is necessary to constitute a political writer, it will not be wondered that so few excel in that undertaking. He that will write well, in politics, must, at the same time, have a complete knowledge of the question, and time to digest his thoughts into method, and polish his style into elegance; which is little less than to say, he must be at once a man of business, and a man of leisure; for politi cal transactions are not easily understood, but by those who are engaged in them; and the art of writing is not attainable without long practice and sedentary appli cation.

Thus it happens that political writings are generally defective; for they are drawn up by men unacquainted with public business, and who can therefore only amuse their readers with fallacious recitals, specious sophistries, or an agreeable style: or, they are the hasty produc tions of busy negociators, who, though they cannot but

excel the other class of writers in that which is of most importance, the knowledge of their subject, are yet rarely at leisure to display that knowledge to advantage, or add grace to solidity.

Writers of the latter sort appear but seldom; and most of our political papers are the amusements of leisure, or the expedients of want.

Whether the paper now before us be the produce of ease, or of necessity, I shall not determine. I have already offered my opinion, that the man who claims it is not the author; nor do I yet discover any reason for changing my sentiments: the question is a question merely of conjecture, since neither I nor the honourable gentlemen attempt to offer any demonstrative proofs of our opinion. If he has any to produce in favour of his own notions, let him lay them before you; but, let him always forbear to impute to me assertions which I never uttered, and beware of representing me as declaring that I believe this paper the composition of some member of this house.

XLIII. Lord Chatham, on American affairs,

MY LORDS,

THERE are two things which ministry have laboured to deceive the people in, and have persuaded them to; first, that it was an affair of Boston only, and that the very appearance of one single regiment there, would quiet every thing. I have foretold the falsehood of both; I was conversant with that country more, more years, perhaps, than any man;I knew the cause of Boston would be made the cause of Ame rica ;-I knew the mode of the military would not be effectual.

The manner of proceeding against Boston, was a procription of a people unheard;-unheard in any court, either in the common courts of justice, or the higher, of parliament, in both of which, evidence of facts are stated in proof of criminality :-but the Americans were de nied to be heard. The people of America condemned, and not heard, have a right to resist.

By whose advice vindictive counsels were pursued, by whose advice false representations were made,-by whose advice malice and ill-will were made principles of governing a free people;-all these are questions that will be asked. I mean no personal charge on any man farther than his misdoings call for.

There ought to be some instant proceeding towards a settlement, before the meeting of the delegates. My object is to put the foot on the threshold of peace, and to shew an intention of reconciling:-I will, unless I am fixed to a sick-bed, I will attend this business throughout, till I see America obtain what I think satis. faction for her injuries, still attentive that she shall own the supremacy of this country. It would be my advice to his majesty, to end this quarrel the soonest possible; his repose is our duty. Who by misadvice had planted a thorn in his side, by a contest with a people determined on their purpose?

I wish to offer myself, mean as I am;-I have a plan, a plan of a settlement, solid, honourable, and lasting.America means only to have safety in property, and personal liberty. These, and these only, were her objects. Independency was falsely charged on her. I disclaim all metaphysical distinctions. The declaratory act leaves you a right to take their money when you please.

I mean to meddle with no man's opinion; and leaving all men to follow the plan of their own opinions of for, mer professions, my plan is to establish for the Ameri can an unequivocal, express right of not having his property taken from him, but by his own consent, and in his own assembly.

Eight weeks' delay admits no farther hesitation, no, not of a moment;--the thing may be over;-a drop of blood renders it immedicabile vulnus.

Whether it can ever now be a true reconciliation, must be owing to the full compensation that America shall receive. Repeat the mutual ill-will that subsists, for it is not the repeal of a little act of parliament that will work peace. Will the repeal of a bit of parchment avail?" Will, think you, three millions of people in arms be satisfied by such a repeal? It must be a repeal on the principle of justice.-There must be no procras

tination; you are to a moment,-now,-instantaneously. Every hour, that a beginning is not made towards softening, towards healing-(the very news of which might work wonders)―endangers the fixed liberty of America, and the honour of the mother country.

The success and permanent effect of the best measures may arise from mutual good-will.

My motion is part of a plan ;—and I begin with a proof of good-will. My motion is, "to address the king to remove the forces from the town of Boston."

The congress, they are more wise, and more prudent than the meeting of ancient Greece. Your lordships have read Thucydides. He mentions nothing of ancient story, more honourable, more respectable, than this des pised meeting.

The congress is treated harshly;-I wish we would imitate their temper;-firm indeed, if you please :— :-but congress is conducted with firmness and moderation. I wish our house of commons as freely and uncorruptly chosen.

The proceedings from hence arise from ignorance of the circumstances of America.-The idea of coercion by troops, where they were not the natural resource, was wanton and idle. Anger was your motive in all you did. "What! shall America presume to be free!Don't hear them ;-chastise them!" This was your language. Castigat auditque ;-the severest judge, though he chastises, also hears the party.

All the mischief has arisen from your anger; for your not adopting your means to your ends :-troops and violence were ill means to answer the ends of peace.

I understand government is not altogether satisfied with the commander of your troops; he has not been quick enough to shed blood; his moderation is ridiculed:-but I know that gentleman, an officer of long service, has acted prudently; it was want of wisdom to place an army there.-I have heard of armies of obser vation; but this is an army of irritation.

In the civil war of Paris, where those great men, the prince of Condé and marshal Turenne, commanded the two parties,-marshal Turenne was said often to have been near the prince.-The queen was angry; she did