FEB. 6, 1834.]

Extension of the Pension Laws.

[H. OF R.

He should

charter. When the event came, the reabsorptions of the in former times, carry confidence to patriots contending United States Bank would be immediately returned for for their principles. Virginia bade the associates who relief, in purchases, new loans, or aid in the establishment were willing to do battle with her in this cause, in the language of the great Henry, to "rally to her white plume." of new banks. There were the strongest reasons, then, for the restora- And they would rally in sufficient force; and, as in '98, tion of the future deposites to the bank; and what were so now, under the same guidance-the banner of outrage, the considerations opposed? Two: the fear of the re- though it might float now, as then, in a transient triumph, charter of the bank, and jealousy of the triumph it might would be torn from the constitution, and that edifice of our seem to obtain in a conflict with the Executive! How was hopes and prayers, our fortress at once and our temple, be the recharter to come! By the distress growing out of its established on a firmer foundation than ever. operations, which would demonstrate the necessity for it? have a distrust, the reverse of his real feeling, for his Then withdraw the motive, or the pretext for the opera- countrymen, if he could doubt this result. When Mr. A. had concluded, tions which were the source of distress; and the operations Mr. PEYTON was successful against half a dozen commust be corrected, from the absence of occasion for them, or the fear of odium, and the danger of the recharter ob-petitors in obtaining the floor, and spoke for some time viated. If continuance of suffering from a position of the in reply, especially to the speech of Mr. McDUFFIE at bank, the necessity of which was ascribed to the removal the commencement of the debate. Before he drew his of the deposites, were to be added to the indignation which remarks to a conclusion, he gave way for a motion to admany indulged at the supposed wrong done to the bank, journ; which, though resisted by Mr. CRAMER, who and undue assumption of power by the Executive, how demanded the yeas and nays, (which the House refused could the recharter of the bank be prevented? It was to order,) succeeded, and the House adjourned about this manifest result of persistence in the policy of the Ex-three o'clock. ecutive which furnished one of the strongest arguments to arrest it, by reversal, and restoring the deposites in future (for that only was proposed) to the custody which the law had established for them.

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 6.

PENSION LAWS.

Mr. CHILTON's resolution on the extension of the Pen

But the leading consideration for adopting this proceed- sion law, coming up again as the unfinished business of ing was, that it was due to the faith which the Government the morning

owed to its contract with the bank; was due to the law Mr. CHAMBERS rose and said: The resolution now which had been perverted; and, above all, was due to the before the House, with the proposed amendment, has adjustment established by the constitution between the elicited so much discussion, and received so much attenlegislative and executive powers of the Government. It tion, that its adoption or rejection will probably express was to restore the equipoise of these powers that the the deliberate opinion of the members on its merits. deposites ought to be restored. The Secretary had as- lieving that both principle and policy are involved in this sumed, on the basis of a declaration of the public will, fur-question, of no ordinary interest, I ask the indulgence of nished by an election of the President, that the bank was the House whilst I submit the reasons which shall influnot to be rechartered, but to expire; that provision was to ence my vote.

Be

be made for that event through his Treasury power; and At any other time than this, when Congress and the that this power involved incidents which not only compre-nation are engrossed with the absorbing question of the hended large legislative authority, but some of these trans-currency and public distress, the question involved in this cending the limits of the proper legislative authority. resolution, and the legislation to which it might lead-of These were the ills which claimed redress and repression an expenditure, probably, of millions of dollars-would for the future at our hands, by the only effectual mode-have been considered no ordinary question; and though undoing the act which had brought them on us, and blot-it be now comparatively of minor interest, yet it is of ting out the precedent it would constitute, if not effaced. such interest as to deserve the grave consideration of this Another consideration was, least of all, to be forgotten, House. The discussion has been chiefly confined to the in connexion with this part of the subject, which went advocates of the original resolution. From honorable memfurther than any other, in his (Mr. A.'s) mind, to bers of several of the western States we have had eloquent deepen the color of the Executive proceeding, and had, encomiums on the valor, services, and merits of the surindeed, been the mainspring of the lively excitement to vivors of those who participated in the Indian wars from which he acknowledged himself to have been awakened 1783 to 1795. Eulogies have also been pronounced in in relation to it. It was, that the proceeding had been commemoration of those who are no longer with the liv adopted with the manifest purpose of eluding the appro-ing, and whose names are said to be associated with priate action of the Legislature on the subject. Not only hills, streams, and battle grounds, that are monuments to the time of adoption, but the haste and immaturity of the their patriotism and valor. These panegyrics on the arrangements admitted to be necessary, put this beyond living and the dead, who perilled their lives and property question. With this speaking characteristic to mark the in wars with a savage foe, are calculated to arouse the act, the barrier had been levelled which fenced the public sympathies and enlist the feelings of the members. No purse from the custody of the Executive; and the call was one, I presume, has heard them with indifference; and now addressed to us, the deputed guardians of the law, many a member has no doubt felt his pride of American and sworn conservators of the constitution-to do what? character raised by the description we have had of some to raise up, to restore, to stabilitate this barrier? No! to of the heroes of those frontier wars, whose names are ratify the destruction of it! and it was said that this would but little known to fame, or in the general history of the be done. It might; and still there was no occasion for de- country. spondency. The spirit of the country, with which remedy would be found, was beginning to be aroused.

Whilst I listened with satisfaction to the description of some of those frontier campaigns, as given to the House It had slept, but was not dead. It would arise, like the by the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. HARDIN,] I relion provoked in his lair, or like the strong man after the gretted his reproachful allusions to Generals Harmar and locks of his vigor had grown out, and the pillars of power St. Clair. As their reputation has since been vindicated which stood around would be subverted. He was proud on this floor by others, I will only remark, that it is to be able to say, that the most decisive indication of this enough for me to know, at this distant day, that, with all arousing feeling of the country had spoken in the voice of their misfortunes, those generals possessed and retained his own State-that voice which he hoped would in all, as the confidence of Washington, than whom no one was

H. of R.]

Extension of the Pension Laws.

[FEB. 6, 1834.

better qualified to judge of their courage, ability, and the Government to bestow its moneys as rewards, on unfidelity. known numbers of its citizens, for services, the measure Far be it from me to detract from the reputation of or extent of which is equally unknown to the members of those who were distinguished in those wars. I am dis- this House. Do gentlemen who advocate the original posed to honor the brave, whenever their bravery is on resolution state any authority or principle for this legisthe side of the law: and on this occasion I will presume lation that is received and maintained as the rule and that those wars were of savage origin, and that the blood policy of the Government? I do not ask or expect to that was shed by my countrymen was authorized by the be referred to any specific power or provision in the conlaws, and was in defence of their soil, or in the chastise-stitution in reference to this object. But to what class ment of a savage foe, who had slaughtered or taken cap- of powers does it belong? My friend and colleague [Mr. tive their families.

DENNY] alleges that it may belong to the power to declare With the best feelings towards my fellow-citizens, ac- war and raise armies, and that, in the exercise of this tors in those wars, consider myself, as a representative power, Congress may, to obtain officers and soldiers, of others, constrained by duty and responsibility to op- incite them by a promise of pensions. Certainly, Mr. pose the resolution of the gentleman from Kentucky, Speaker, it is competent to Congress to propose such [Mr. CHILTON.] It is not by legislation that the individ- terms and offers to those who enter their army or service; ual feeling and sympathy of the representative is to be but, when that is done, it is stipulation; and, when ac indulged and gratified, unless those feelings are on the cepted, a contract, which determines the right of the side of right and duty. As representatives, we are as citizen, and the obligation of his Government. sembled to legislate for the people: as guardians of the The officer or soldier who has received from the Govnational treasury, we hold it in trust for the necessary ernment all that it stipulated to give and allow him for and reasonable expenses of the Government, under the his service, has no just claim on that Government, or any constitution and laws. If claims in this House are to de-cause to complain.

But again, sir, I ask, what are the precedents of the exercise of a like power by Congress? Though precedent in legislation, under a constitutional Government, is a species of authority not of a very high character; yet, is there any precedent of legislation by Congress carried so far as the pretensions of this resolution?

pend on the feelings that may be excited, and not on I am well aware that some of those Indian wars were justice or right, what security is there against an extrava-recognised by the Government, and prosecuted under its gance and prodigality which, whilst it wastes the public orders. If so, the officer and soldier received the retreasure, will corrupt our citizens? muneration that was provided by law, and with that reThis hall is not the place for the exercise of generos-muneration they must be content. To what purpose is ity. However exalted the feeling may be, the represent- it that Government should provide terms of enlistment ative is not entitled to its reputation who is exercising and service, if the parties so engaging can call on the his generosity by legislating away the money of the na Government, after the expiration of the service, for a new tion. No, sir; we have, and must maintain, another measure of remuneration, in the form of bounties and standard to measure rights and duties here than gener- pensions? osity. Parties, having claims on this Government of limited powers, must be satisfied with justice. The claims of individuals on the Government for services ought to arise out of some contract, engagement, or stipulation. If the individual gets what the Government contracted to give him, or a reasonable compensation for services rendered for and at the instance of Government, for which no express stipulation had been made, he has no cause to complain. When he has become disabled in the service of Government, by the accidents and perils of war, he may then be a fair object of pension from his country. If those in the service of Government are provided for on these principles, we then have some rule on the subject; but if Congress disregards such rule, and gives way to the undefined action of generosity and bounty, it will not be long before there will be a host of pensioned favorites, which will be followed by an empty treasury. It will be classes that at first may present themselves; but then individuals, availing themselves of some popular feeling of the day, or other favorable circumstances, will present their claims, and address themselves to the feelings and sympathies of this House.

There have been some instances of legislation in this House, under the influence of feeling. The donation made by Congress, in charity to the inhabitants of the city of Caraccas, of $50,000, was an instance of legislation under such influence, not to be forgotten. This, however, has been too much reprobated to be referred to as a precedent to guide and direct Congress; but may be used as a beacon to warn us of the danger of legislation under the influence of excited feelings.

But we are referred to the precedents that are in the acts of Congress, providing pensions for the officers and soldiers of the revolutionary army.

The situation of this class of our fellow-citizens was peculiar; their services were under circumstances that had not occurred before or since, and which cannot well arise again. The officers and soldiers of our revolu With such opinions, I cannot approve of sending to a tionary war fought for principle. They performed the committee a claim so undefined and uncertain as that most arduous duties, and endured the severest sufferings, embraced by this resolution. It is proposed to extend for the right of self-government; not for themselves alone, the pension system, by this resolution, to those engaged but that every American citizen should have the right to in the Indian wars from 1783 to 1795. Who are those choose the representative who legislated over his perpersons? They have not asked either justice or bounty sonal liberty or rights of property. The revolutionary from the Government. Were they under the orders of officer and soldier encountered the greatest privations in Government? and, if so, has the Government withheld the service of a Government but half-organized, and what it stipulated to give? Are their names on the ar- bankrupt both in resources and credit. This army was chives of the General or State Governments? Is their pe-exposed to the most inclement weather of winter camriod of service evidenced by any roll or document? or is it dependant on memory or tradition?

paigns, but half-clothed and badly fed, often without shoes to their feet, and without the means of procuring, Where is the authority or principle on which it is pro- either from the Government or by their own credit, the posed to bestow the public money on such claimants? necessary articles of clothing and subsistence. They -no, I cannot call them claimants, for they have preferred were paid by the Government in a depreciated paper curno claims. Are they creditors of the Government? No. rency, of no more value than the rags that covered them. There is no evidence or allegation of indebtedness by the The immense debt of the Government, and the want of Government to them. It is to be a spontaneous offer of resources that it could command, disabled it, after the

FEB. 6, 1834.]

Extension of the Pension Laws.

[H. OF R.

peace, from paying its officers and soldiers what they had dead before the tardy justice of their country was brought been promised, and what they were entitled to as matter into action. The right was a vested one, and, as such, of right. Whatever terms the Government proposed, transmitted to their heirs: the grave did not cancel the the officer and soldier had no alternative but to accept, as obligation of the Government, or satisfy the claim. they had no means or remedy to recover their rights. Congress was afterwards, from year to year, solicited, by memorials, to do justice to those brave men who had fought our battles, and established, in fact, an independence, which Congress had before only declared on

paper.

The early settlers have been every where in these United States exposed, at some period of our history, to like frontier wars with the Indians, from the first settlements of the country, at Jamestown and Plymouth, to the present time. After the defeat of Braddock, in 1755, the whole frontier of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and The claims of these men for remuneration were advo. New York was exposed to the ravages of Indian war, cated as matter of right, arising under stipulations that elated with victory and stimulated by French influence, had not been fulfilled by the Government, and that they arms, and presents. The settlers could only maintain were so regarded is manifest, from the opinions expressed their residence by the erection of stockade forts, at their by all who advocated their claims. The committee who own expense, and which formed a shelter for a time against reported in their favor treated them as claims of rights the incursions of these savage enemies. They also purwithheld: members distinguished for their legal attain- sued the enemy into their fastnesses and hiding-places, ments and reputation expressed the opinion that, if the and avenged the deaths of their slaughtered friends. We jurisdiction of the courts admitted of these claims being had in Pennsylvania, in those days, many a gallant leader, brought into such courts, they could be sustained on who, in personal bravery, disregard of privation, and boldprinciples of right and equity. It is alleged that the ness of enterprise, would bear a comparison with any that measure that was meted out to the officers and soldiers, have been eulogized in this debate. These men have all by the law of Congress, was not regulated by a due re- been permitted to pass to their graves without remuneragard to the contract and rights of the individuals. To tion from the Government; and in many other parts of the this I reply, that such a failure in the provisions and de-nation, other settlers, who have had like trials, have had tails of the law does not subvert its principle, and only no better treatment than in participating with their fellowshows that, when legislation is on the confines of boun- citizens in the security of their homes and the improveties, it is apt to slide into irregularity. Whatever was ment of the country. allowed beyond the just claim of the officers and soldiers If this system is to be extended from time to time, where was improper, and, as such, the precedent is not to be is it to end? The only limits suggested are military ser regarded. vice, which is broad enough to exhaust, for years, the orThose who were engaged in the Indian wars from 1783 dinary resources of the Government. I am opposed to to 1795 were in the service of a Government established; the extension of the system; but would remark, that I administered by representatives chosen by the people; cannot discover any good reason why military services able and willing to satisfy all who had any just claims then should be so much the subject of remuneration and boun arising, not with a depreciated paper currency, but with ty, beyond providing for disability. Are we to inculcate one equal to silver and gold. These men, whose valor I in our republican Government that it is in the ranks of admire, were fighting, not for the right of self-govern- the army that not only the road to fame and glory is to be ment, against an enemy who aspired to govern, but in found, but that it is there also that the citizen is to look defence of property and possessions, the value of which for the highway to the chief offices, as well as to the was enhanced for themselves and their posterity. It is, treasury of the nation? I can well suppose that the man however, alleged that the Indian wars were a continuance whose constitution has been impaired, and his corporal of the revolutionary war. After the peace of 1783, the and mental energy wasted, in the arduous duties of official Indians fought for revenge, and to indulge their love of confinement to desks, books, and papers, has as great a blood and slaughter. The American citizens of those claim on his country for relief as the soldier or officer of days were under no apprehensions that they were in any six months' service in an army. Is not the able, faithful, danger of being brought under subjection to Indian power; what was sought, and obtained, for those exposed on the frontier, was security against Indian massacre and plunder.

The situation of those engaged in the wars of that period is distinguished, in the most material circumstances, from that of the officers and soldiers of the revolutionary army; and no precedent is to be found in the provision for them that would extend to those intended to be provided for by this resolution.

It has been attempted in Congress once before, if not oftener, to ingraft this provision on our pension system; and it has been rejected.

vigilant, and accommodating officer now at the head of the Pension Office, as Commissioner of Pensions, earning his pay by service as arduous, and deprivations as great, as one-third of those whom he has placed on your pension list? The discrimination is unsound; and the only safe rule is, to allow it by way of remuneration for a right withheld, or for infirmity and disability contracted in military service.

The amount and increase of the pension expenditure shows how little reliance is to be placed on estimates in matters of legislation, where the number of individuals to be provided for, or the extent of service, is to be conjectured. When provision by pensions has been under If the system is to be extended beyond the claims of jus-consideration in this House, they have been advocated as tice and right, and that of invalids for military services, only providing for a few surviving patriots, whose numwhat are to be its limits? We may expect, next, an ap-bers were very limited, and that the expenditure was but peal to us on behalf of the officers and soldiers of the late a small matter to the national treasury. When the law of war. We had, in it, displays of valor and hard service, 1832 was before Congress, the committee who reported not only on the land, but by our gallant tars on the ocean, the bill in this House, after a close investigation and renot surpassed by any men in any war. But, sir, I would search as to the number of the revolutionary army at every leave them to the fixed remuneration of the existing laws, period of the revolutionary war, and making the ordinary and to that glory which is above the measure of your laws allowance for mortality and decrement, estimated those or treasury. There are also the heirs of the revolutionary unprovided for under the existing laws, and who might be officer, for whom no provision was made. I never could the subjects of the new law, at about 7,000, requiring an reconcile the justice which provided for services, as mat- expenditure of less than a million of dollars per year, for ter of right, and extended it not to the descendants of a few years. Well, sir, how has the reality corresponded those meritorious officers who were numbered with the with the predictions and estimates? It appears from the

H. OF R.]

Extension of the Pension Laws.

[FEB. 6, 1834.

report of the Commissioner of Pensions that the number of millions of dollars; bank dividends, &c., five hundred applicants under the act of 1832 is 30,625; and, of these, thousand dollars. In making the estimate, the Secretary he has placed on the pension list under that law 23,438. further states that "he assumed that the imports of 1834 These are in addition to 11,034 revolutionary pensioners will nearly equal those of 1832;" and "that the general provided for under previous acts, making a total of revo- state of our commerce, and the situation of the country, lutionary pensioners already provided for of 34,472, ex-justify the belief that there will be no serious diminution clusive of those on the invalid list. in the coming year."

The amount paid to pensioners under the act of 1832, In this opinion, and in the estimate, the Secretary will, I within the last year, is stated to be $3,537,170. The apprehend, find himself most egregiously mistaken; for, amount paid to revolutionary pensioners, under various as the ordinary channels of trade are now interrupted and acts of Congress, till November, 1833, exclusive of invalid obstructed by the want of confidence, the condition of the pensions, is $21,629,828; paid to invalid and other pen- currency, and the money market, many merchants will sioners, $4,603,615, making a total of $26,233,443. Are not be without their usual facilities and means to make their the amount of expenditures for pensions, and the number purchases and importations. If they have the means, or of pensioners, calculated to make this House pause before the credit that will command them, they will prefer using they extend the system? The only suggestion as to the them at home, where value is increasing, than sending number to be provided for under this resolution comes them to Europe, to purchase and import merchandise, for from the gentleman from Indiana, (Mr. LANE,) that the which there will be no certainty of buyers. Unless the number may amount to from ten to fifteen thousand. If public distress is soon relieved by Congress, in restoring the reality should not exceed this estimate, it would occa- soundness to the currency, security and confidence to the sion an expenditure of one or more million of dollars per financial operations of the Government, and the public year-for how many years we cannot tell. Will the treas- deposites to where they were, trade must diminish most ury of the nation admit of such demands? The report of seriously; and, with it, the revenue from customs, as well the Secretary of the Treasury to Congress shows that the as from public lands. Unless the present state of things treasury cannot sustain any extraordinary expenditure for is immediately changed, by a return to what we had some the current year. The President, in his last annual mes- months since, we must have, before another year, a poor sage, expresses his opinion to Congress, "that the re-account of the treasury. The deposites of the Govern ceipts of the next year, with the aid of the unappropriated ment will be then so small an affair, as to be no object of amount in the treasury, will not be more than sufficient to desire to any bank. meet the expenses of the year, and pay the small remnant of national debt."

If the treasury is to be made bankrupt, I will not contribute to it, by any expenditure under this resolution.

I would remind the members of the House that the pres As to the amendment submitted by the gentleman ent administration came into power with the most solemn from Virginia, [Mr. BOULDIN,] I would remark, that I pledges and promises of reform and retrenchment in the consider the tendency of the existing pension law is to administration of the Government; and would ask, what demoralize many of our citizens; and that the frauds and has been done to redeem those pledges? The national impositions which are or may be practised ought to have expenditures of the Government, exclusive of payments the consideration of a committee. That in so extensive to the national debt, have been as follows:

In 1827,

1828,

1829,

1830,

1831,

1832,

1833,

a pension system there should be imposition, frauds, and $12,653,095 even false swearing, practised, was to be apprehended, 13,296,041 and even expected. We have in these United States 12,669,490 every variety of character, exhibiting the same passions and infirmities as characterize men under other Govern13,229,533 14,777,991 ments; and, whatever high pretensions we may make to 16,516,388 patriotism and moral character, we have as much of the 22,086,063 cupidity of gain and love of money in us as is to be found any where else. Laws, then, providing emoluments for

Under the present administration, professing economy, all who will bring themselves within certain provisions, to and charging its predecessors with extravagance, the na- be made out by ex parte parol testimony, as to transac tional expenditures have been increased from an amount of tions beyond the ordinary memory of man, are strikingly twelve or thirteen millions, to a sum exceeding twenty- addressed to the corrupt passions of the human heart. It two millions of dollars. If this is reform, according to the will, with many, lead to fraud; and that fraud will be supGovernment vocabulary at Washington, I know of no per-ported by false oaths. The experience and policy of the version of language that will make it pass for retrenchment. times, as formed, established, and exhibited in our halls I would say to the friends of this administration, that, as of legislation and courts of justice, are against the admis all the promised retrenchment is yet to be accomplished, sion of parol testimony, as to very ancient transactions. it is time to begin the work; and it will be no small job Such is the infirmity of human nature, the uncertainty of to lay on the coming three years the retrenchments that such testimony, and the danger of fraud and falsehood, belong to them, without touching those belonging to the that it is obviated and dispensed with as far as possible. preceding five years, that have been allowed to pass with Time, possession, and other circumstances, are made to accumulated expenditures. This resolution, and the ex-supply its place. But, under our pension system, we in penditures to which it may lead, I trust, is not to be vite persons to make out their claims by their own oaths, adopted as a step towards it. and those of others selected by themselves, and who are at liberty to choose their time, place, and officers, when, where, and before whom it is done, without any notice to any officer of the Government.

What will be the state of the national treasury at the end of the current year? The Secretary of the Treasury estimates the national expenditure at $18,506,912, exclusive of $4,995,032 towards the payment of national debt. In It was to be expected that such facilities for imposition the report of the Secretary of the Treasury of the pre- and fraud on the Government would be taken advantage ceding year, the national expenditure was estimated at of by many. It is, no doubt, with some, made a common $17,638,577, whereas the actual expenditure is above cause, who support each other's claim. It is probable, twenty-two millions. also, that many an honest man, with a feeble and impaired

The present Secretary of the Treasury, in his estimate memory, without being conscious of it, may confound of receipts for the current year, states those from customs hearsay, tradition, and the workings of his own imagina at fifteen millions of dollars; and from public lands at three [tion, with his supposed recollection of facts.

If such a system be not demoralizing to a considerable extent, then I must acknowledge myself mistaken in human nature, as well as in the standard of morals.

[H. or R.

Mr. PEYTON resumed and concluded his speech commenced on Wednesday; the whole of which is given below. Mr. P. rose and addressed the Chair as follows: These reflections are only cast on the unprincipled, Mr. SPEAKER: It is strange, indeed, that the man who who have imposed, or attempted to impose, on the Gov has given his life to the service of his country, who has ernment. The number already on the pension fund, to- toiled and perilled so much in defence of its institutions, gether with the number of applicants, is so excessive, should now be represented as dangerous to its liberties, and beyond all reasonable calculation, as to excite a strong and regardless of its laws. These sentiments have been suspicion of fraud and imposition. The Commissioner of urged and reiterated against the President from the comPensions has rejected, as inadmissible, upwards of eleven mencement of this debate. I will endeavor, Mr. Speaker, hundred, who have applied under the act of 1832. A in a plain, brief manner, to answer some of these charges, committee of this House, in 1832, from a statement of the before I proceed to the consideration of the subject before numerical force of the revolutionary regular army, during the House. each year of the war, from 1775 to 1783, and making a I agree with the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. reasonable allowance for decrement from deaths and other MCDUFFIE,] that it is dangerous to unite money and po causes, estimated the remaining officers and soldiers of litical power. But, sir, we must trust somebody; and I the revolutionary regular army at 12,632; and the num- had rather intrust the management of the treasury to those ber of militia, applying the same rate of decrement, at whom the American people have selected as the guardians 6,472; making a total of 19,104, of whom there were then of their liberty, than leave it exposed to those who have on the revolutionary pension list, under previous laws, become furious by the rebuke they have received at the 11,876, leaving about 7,000 to be embraced by the act hands of the people. Sir, we have exhibited before the of 1832. The same committee estimated the average age nation and the world an extraordinary spectacle-a scramat 77. ble for the control of the public money. An attempt is What number would the last census of the United States made to wrest it from the constituted authorities by gentlefurnish of that age? The number of white male citizens men whom the people pronounced undeserving of their returned on the last census, from seventy to eighty years confidence. Yes, sir, they demand that the public treasure, of age, is 57,772. which is the "soul of the body politic," shall be yielded

Of these, it is estimated that there would not be above up at the overbearing dictation of this strange alliance, the age of 77 more than

In the same census are males above the age of 80,

Above the age of 77, From this number are to be deducted those who were engaged in service for a term less than six months, all non-combatants, tories, Hessians, and other British soldiers who remained in the country, and emigrants since the peace, above that age.

20,000 formed by a union of party leaders from all points of the political compass. Well, sir, if power is to change hands, 18,143 let us see if the country will be benefited by it. Who are they who demand the change? Are they not the same rest38,143 less spirits who so lately brought their country to the brink, "where it was but one step down, and all was lost?" Let us pause and survey the scene! We hear of tyrants, and revolutions, and resistance. Who is producing this uproar, this clamor for the public treasure, and grasping at that power, I had almost said, in a revolutionary tone, which they were not able to reach in the spirit of our institutions-which the stern voice of a republican people denied them? 13,470 What do we behold? Why, those who but yesterday glared upon each other with a tiger's look, and bristles up, are now folded in each other's patriotic arms, and lauding each other as public benefactors. They benefactors of the country! "It is an insult to the nation to say so." I borrow the phrase from the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. McDUFFIE.] "The Federal Union-it must be preThere is much reason to suppose that the number of served:" that was the sentiment uttered by a patriot, and revolutionary officers and soldiers of six months' service responded to by freemen, which saved the country. Now, is short of 30,000, and yet the number provided for, under sir, I ask for the true cause of all we see and hear? There acts of 1813-'20,-'23,-'28, is 11,034 is no man so weak or credulous as to believe, for a moment, that it is to be found in this petty question of giving the

At the close of the revolutionary war, the numbers of the army were

The number of officers, exclusive of foreigners, then in the army, was 2,480 In 1832, of these officers, there were but 282 receiving pensions; and, as it is presumed all had applied, it would appear that 7 out of 8 of the officers of the army at the close of the war had died before 1832.

·

And applicants under act of 1832, before November last, were

Exclusive of those on the invalid list,

- 30,621 bank the use of money, which its friends boast it can well do without; or in the pecuniary interest of a few rich men 41,655 in Europe and America, who own and control the bank. No, sir; this is the pretext seized upon to scatter firebrands That there is abuse of the system, and imposition, there through society. A deep game of ambition is playing, not can be little doubt. But it may well be asked, will we unlike those to which honorable gentlemen have referred abolish the system because it is abused; and withhold from us in the history of other nations. We can occasionally the deserving their fair remuneration, because others are get a glimpse of the cloud boiling above the horizon, and imposing on the Government? For myself, I reply, no. I hear the thunder in the distance. Gentlemen are throwing respect the honest revolutionary officer and soldier, and high die for power; and, with a boldness characteristic of would not deprive him of justice from his country. Though the high order of their intellect, are willing to stake all, and I am unwilling to apply the knife to the whole system, yet stand the hazard of the cast. "To rule or ruin" is the bold I would be disposed to submit the subject to a committee, design. Sir, it would be patriotic, and command our highest which, availing itself of the experience acquired in the admiration, to see a statesman love his country better than department of pensions, might devise some additional re- himself; notwithstanding that country had withdrawn its medy and provision to check and prevent frauds, and pro-confidence, and had driven him from a high station. A Cato tect the Government against unprincipled applicants.

THE DEPOSITE QUESTION.

could love his country even in banishment; and that country, he said, was not "Utica or Adymettum, but Rome." But, sir, I appeal to all America whether it was love or The House next proceeded to the consideration of the hate-deadly hate; whether it was patriotism or ambition, deposite question. which formed this unnatural union? In what else do they