head, like an executioner, and for a moment, as the blow descended, that small yellow eye might have been seen to open. It quivered, it shrank: but never closed again. It stared out wide, from the attitude of a last snarling turn. Then a second time the blow fell, even a third : but all was quiet.

Kyloe-Jock looked grim at the others, leaning on the hedge-stake. He drew the cuff of that tail-coat across his face, as it manifestly had often been drawn before, and surveyed the slain; not unheroically.

heap o' us-Bauldy an' a'. Trap, quo' ye! Hoo! what was a ratton-trap to him? My certy, hit wadna lang hae been a fash to Sanders.-Oot o' that, Bauldy, I tell ye, ye vicious brute! I'm thinkin', callants, the less oo' say aboot this, the better. For Maviswud an' the Laird, an' a heap mae, 'll miss him geyan sair!”

Doubtless the fox was safely deposited away, by him and Will. As for the boy-whether or not there came on him from those words a chill remembrance of very different speeches in Cornelius Nepos-he hung his head even as he told at home, in part, how accused innocence had been vindicated. Ere long, Andrew came riding back from Thirlstane, and brought the expected letter. It appointed the day when Mr. Rowland would certainly return home. To be continued.

"I GIVE this key to the kelpie's keeping,"

He cried, as the key smote the deep lake's breast;

He left her kneeling, in rueful weeping,

A rayless cell's despairing guest.

Away rushed the steed, and the crow that was winging

Its flight to the distant wood was passed;

When morning dawned keen spurs were stinging

The courser's flanks like a frosty blast.

For knight and lady are vassals calling; No voice replies from garden or bower; Again round the castle is darkness falling, But search is vain in turret and tower.

Year after year rolled by without telling

The fearful deed one cell could disclose; Her bones lie white in the dungeon dwelling

The knight for his lovely lady chose. That key is yet in the kelpie's keeping;

He faithfully grasps that iron trust; He heard her rueful cries and weeping, But said to himself, "What I must, I must."

THE events which have recently taken place in Syria have again brought the eastern question prominently into public notice, and in such a manner as to draw attention to the position of the

not so much our object to discuss the eastern question in its present aspect, as to consider the social and political condition of the Christian subjects of the Sultan. The investigation is attended

absence of much information which it would be of great advantage to possess. Travellers often ignorant of the language, and seldom able to speak it fluently, cannot, in passing hastily through a country, form an accurate opinion of the condition of the people. They cannot expect to be told of the wrongs endured by the inhabitants. Still less can the

agents of Governments allied to Turkey, accompanied by official attendants, learn the true state of affairs. This circumstance is of itself sufficient explanation of the discrepancy which appears to exist in the reports received by different Governments of what is taking place, although in all these reports we can trace the obvious desire of official agents to frame them so as to meet the real or supposed opinions of their superior authorities.

The condition of the Christian subjects of the Porte has been improved in many respects in late years. The tax termed Haratch which was imposed on the non-Mussulman population was formally abolished in 1855. Distinctive dresses and other marks of subjection and insult which they were compelled to wear or conform to have fallen into disuse. Offensive epithets in legal and other documents are no longer employed by the officers of the Porte. And more freedom is allowed with respect to the erection of churches. Such are the chief reforms which have been actually carried out.

If the proclamations of the Sultan were acted up to in their letter and spirit we should have to add to the preceding many other important reforms. In theory all classes of Turkish subjects are supposed to be equal in the sight of the law, and to be equally eligible for Government employment. But not even the most strenuous defender of the Ottoman administration would venture to assert that these provisions have ever been put in force.

In places where there are European residents the authorities are obliged to exercise moderation, but it is far other

who are not under foreign protection have little security for either life or property. When they prosecute Mahometans, a decision is rarely given in their favour, and yet more seldom is it that the sentence when obtained is carried out. The first grievance therefore from which the Christians suffer is

I. The State of Turkish Law.-The only recognised code is contained in the Koran. There the judges have to find the principles which are to serve for their guidance both with regard to points of law and their application. But it has become so apparent that the laws of the Koran cannot be fully acted up to in the present relative position of the Ottoman Empire and Christian Europe, that the Sultan has issued various "Hatts" or special decrees which his " governors and slaves" are enjoined to observe in the administration of the Government and of justice. In this manner a sort of equity has been introduced to moderate the strict letter of the law. It is obvious that much is thus left to the discretion of the court. Besides, it often happens that both the court and people are ignorant of the very existence of these Hatts. They are not distributed in the provinces ; nor are any effective measures adopted to put them into execution. The Mussulman authorities either covertly or openly oppose their enforcement; while on the other hand the Christians do not, as a general rule, understand the language in which they are written; for all decrees are promulgated in Turkish-accompanied, indeed, occasionally by a French translation, but never by one in the vernacular tongue.

The next grievance which we have to consider is

II. The Imperfect Administration of Justice.-In Turkey business of every kind is transacted by a Medjlis or council. If peace or war is to be determined, the Sultan holds a Medjlis on the subject. If a thief is to be caught, the inspector of police holds a Medjlis of his subordinates. Every department of the Government has its Medjlis, and

tion of the proper council. Each village has its Medjlis; from its decisions appeal lies to the Medjlis of the district, then to that of the province, and ultimately to Constantinople. In criminal matters the police superintendent has his Medjlis, as court of first instance; and from him the appeal lies to the Pasha of the district. There is also a Medjlis for commercial cases, and often other Medjles exist for special purposes. But when we come to inquire into the organization of the Medjles, their defects become apparent. In every place which Mahometans and Christians inhabit together the majority of the Medjlis invariably consists of Mussulmen who represent local prejudices and jealousies, and can gratify their own private feelings without incurring personal responsibility. The Christian members thus become mere cyphers. Too often they follow the example of the others and take what bribes they can get. If they have the firmness and principle, which is indeed rarely the case, to resist unjust decisions, they are of course outvoted; and instances are known when assassination has been the means of removing a troublesome colleague. The composition of the Medjlis is the immediate cause of the next source of wrong which we have to mention, namely

III. Fiscal Oppression.-It is impossible to imagine greater confusion to exist in the finances of any state than that shown in the present condition of the Turkish treasury. The revenue of the empire is derived chiefly from Vekouf property, customs duties, and tithes. With respect to the two former we have no occasion to offer any remarks, as they press on all Turkish subjects alike. With regard to tithes, however, the case is far different.

Sup

pose the Porte requires 1,000,000Z. The Finance Minister asks some capitalist to advance that sum, and offers to assign to him the tithe of such an article in such provinces. The capitalist procures the money. He has to obtain repayment of the sum with interest, to incur all the risks and expenses of col

members of the Medjlis for the assistance they render him. If such a Government as that of Turkey attempted to collect the revenue by means of a Government department, the expense of collection would certainly not be less than 10 per cent. on the amount raised; but, under the present system, at least twice as much as the nominal sum is paid by the people, and often nearly three times the amount. Thus, to enable 1,000,000l. to be paid into the treasury, between 2,000,000l. and 3,000,000l. is extorted from the tax-payers. If this oppression, heavy as it is, affected all classes of the subjects of the Sultan alike we should not have occasion to refer to it. But in practice, land and property belonging to Christians is assessed generally a third higher than that of Mahometans, and under the present constitution of the Medjles no redress is to be obtained. Nor is this all. Farmers of taxes are not noted for just dealing. The most cruel means are resorted to to compel the payment of the assessments, with the sanction of the Medjles, and by the assistance of the troops. Bosnia and the neighbouring districts have suffered most in this respect in late years. Several deputations have been sent to Constantinople to lay a statement of these grievances before the Sultan, but in no case has relief been obtained; and the members have often been imprisoned and fined on their return.

IV. Evils arising from the Truck System. -In agricultural districts the Medjles enforce the truck system when it would operate in favour of Mahometan landowners and against the Christian peasantry. In this manner a state of things which amounts to practical slavery exists in many parts of Turkey. In the Spanish colonies in the West Indies, when an estate is to be sold, the price depends not on the land, but on the negroes living on it. So in many districts in Turkey, when an estate is sold, the price is determined by the number of bonds in the hands of its possessor. We do not say that the truck system is in force in all rural districts in Turkey, but only

V. Military oppression. When a Turkish military force is on the march, the country through which it passes undergoes all the suffering which the presence of a hostile force occasions. When the pay of the army is one or two years in arrear, the commissariat could not under any circumstances be expected to be in proper order. But what must the case be when the army is unpaid, and there is no commissariat at all? The inhabitants have to feed the soldiers, to repair or complete their equipment, and to forward them on their way; compensation is of course unthought of, and any complaints would be met with derision, if they did not lead to further ill-usage.

When it is known that a military force is in motion, the villagers often desert their huts and retire to woods and caves, taking with them what articles they can conceal. When they return they find their huts destroyed and their churches desecrated. The hardships thus occasioned fall chiefly on the Christians. Every man seeks to save himself from loss as far as possible; and Mahometan rulers and soldiery cannot be expected to supply their wants impartially from their co-religionists and the giaours.

In the rural districts the police are exclusively quartered on Christian families, who have to provide for all their wants. Travellers and Government officers when passing through the country are also lodged at the expense of the Christians, and it is scarcely necessary to add that no repayment is ever made. Closely connected with this grievance is that which we have next to consider, the most cruel of the many wrongs which afflict the Christian population;

we mean,

VI. The systematic abduction and illtreatment of Christian women. -It is only in Turkey that outrages of this description either meet with no punishment or are actually rewarded. Some years ago, considerable attention was excited by the case of Saleh Pasha, Governor of Varna. He caused to be removed to his harem the daughter of one of the

elapsed before the father discovered what had become of his child. When he attempted to procure her release, he was arrested, and his property confiscated. But Varna was then garrisoned by an English force, and the case was so notorious that our authorities are understood to have remonstrated. The result was that the dead body of the girl was found some days afterwards. An inquiry took place respecting Saleh Pasha's concern both in the abduction and in the murder. He was removed from his post and sent to Constantinople to be formally tried; and the father was released. But we believe that we are perfectly correct in stating that Saleh Pasha was at once set at liberty, and has been since living in the capital, not having undergone even the semblance of a trial; and that the father's property has been retained by the Government. Outrages of this description are extremely frequent in the rural districts in Europe, and are never punished.

It is not uncommon to quarter troops on houses only inhabited by female Christians. In these, as well as in other instances, seldom does a male relative, who interferes on their behalf, escape alive.

Forcible abduction is encouraged by the following means. In Albania the prestige which it confers leads to personal advancement in Government employment. In Bulgaria it is facilitated by placing the relatives of a Christian girl who becomes a Mahometan on the same footing as Mahometans with respect to protection from fiscal oppression. In Monastir, and we believe elsewhere, a Turk who carries off a Christian girl and causes her to become a Mahometan, is exempted from military service.

The conduct of the Ottoman authorities in this respect is most reprehensible. The theory is that, on any case of abduction being made known, the girl is to be placed under the care of the chief of the religious sect to which her parents belong, at the place where they reside, until the case is decided. This is done at large commercial ports where a Euro

some form of law and justice. In the interior another mode of procedure is adopted. Such cases are declared by the Government of Constantinople to be religious and civil cases, not criminal ones. The girl is brought before the Medjlis and asked what her religion is. If she replies Mahometan, the case is of course at an end. If she declares herself a Christian, the result is the same. The Medjlis quotes the Hatti-Humayun of 1856. In this much-vaunted edict, which has everywhere and in every respect proved to be a "delusion, a mockery and a snare," it is only provided that Christian evidence shall be received in commercial, correctional, and criminal cases.1 The Medjlis decides that the case before it is a civil question. It consequently refuses to hear the girl's statement or that of her relatives; and unless a Mahometan comes forward to give evidence against his co-religionist in a matter which his creed regards as meritorious-an extremely rare occurrence-the Medjlis decides against the Christian plaintiff. This shows the nature of the next grievance, which demands our consideration, viz.

VII. The non-admission of Christian evidence in civil suits. It would, we imagine, scarcely be believed that in the year 1860 the whole Christian population of a country should be placed below the level of convicted criminals by the existence of a law, or a custom having

1 Extract from Hatti-Sherif of 1856. Toutes les affairs commerciales, correctionnelles et criminelles entre des Musulmans et des sujets Chrétiens ou autres non-Musulmans, ou bien des Chrétiens ou autres de rites différents non-Musulmans, seront déférées à des Tribunaux Mixtes (i.e. the Medjles).

L'audience de ces tribunaux sera publique; les parties seront mises en présence et produiront leurs témoins, dont les dépositions seront reçues indistinctement, sous un serment prêté selon la loi religieuse de chaque culte.

Les procès ayant trait aux affaires civiles continueront d'être publiquement jugés, d'après les lois et les réglements, par devant les Conseils Mixtes des Provinces, en présence du Gouverneur et du Juge du lieu.

Civil suits are thus to remain on the same footing as before; consequently Christian evi

the force of law, by which their testimony is refused acceptance in a court of justice on account of their religion. Yet such is the case in Turkey. In criminal cases, where Christian evidence is admitted, little attention enough is paid to it; but it is not creditable to England and France to have permitted this distinction to be perpetuated in civil suits. The influence which the Western Powers possessed when the Hatti-Humayun of 1856 was promulgated was undoubtedly powerful enough to have induced the Porte to decree that the evidence of Christians should be received in all cases equally with that of Mahometans. The consequence is that Christians must produce Mussulman witnesses in civil suits in which they are interested; and this leads to a most frightful amount of perjury. A regular class of false witnesses live by this means, and are ready to swear to any case. The result is not so injurious to the Christians as might have been expected, but it requires no proof to show what the effect to a state must be when perjury becomes a profession.

VIII. Insecurity of property. Christian evidence not being received, the property of Christians is necessarily rendered much less secure than it otherwise would be. Oral testimony is always preferred to documentary evidence, and in this manner Christians are often dispossessed of an estate by the weight of evidence given by perjured witnesses. While such a state of things exists improvement of any kind is not to be looked for.

IX. Religious intolerance. The powerful protection which the Greek and Roman Catholic communities enjoy prevents the Mahometans from perpetrating those disgraceful outrages in churches which they are wont to indulge in when it can be done with impunity. Religious intolerance evinced by rules of service, opposed, we will not say to good feeling, for that we could not expect to find, but to sound policy, prevents the entrance of Christians into the army. Forcible conversions of males are rare.