a body, however small, was making the sacrifice, undergoing the necessary training, would do much for labour.

Since the foregoing remarks were written, war, international war, has come upon us, bringing in its train an immediate cessation of industrial hostilities, to be followed after a period of some seven months by a most unfortunate recrudescence of labour troubles in those industries upon which our own and our Allies' existence as free peoples are most vitally dependent. If we try to explain the working man's attitude throughout these happenings as briefly as possible, the fact is that he never has believed, probably never will believe, that there is danger for England. Overwhelming proof of this statement can be adduced by anyone who has worked with him on terms of anything like intimacy. When a fleet of Zeppelins was believed to be approaching the Royal Woolwich Arsenal, the men could not be got to take the situation seriously. It was a stupendous joke.

Why, then, did the declaration of war produce immediate economic peace? Because the violation of Belgian neutrality aroused all that was best in our working classes. Naturally there follows the question: why did this state of things not continue? Here a complete answer cannot be given in few words. Strikes are seldom, if ever, attributable to one single cause. The final or precipitating event is generally to be regarded as no more than the makeweight which turns the scale. Further, though we may accept it as an axiom that there should be no strikes in war time, it hardly follows that, if strikes occur, the blame is entirely with the workers.

The most important and consequently the most regrettable strikes of which we have been hearing in the immediate past are to be attributed broadly to natural weariness and equally natural resentment of injustice. The strain of the war has fallen very heavily upon the workers. Overtime is by no means the unmixed blessing which certain persons would have the general public believe. A dock labourer, writing to the editor of one of our daily papers, says: 'It is possible for a man to work three days and three nights in one week.' To the additional hours of work the delays due to the crowded state of trains and trams about industrial centres should

be added when one is considering the fatigue of overtime. Frequently it seems as though many persons, whose hours are probably under their own control, elected to travel for amusement at just those times when working men consider they have a right to easy homeward transit; while it is certainly the fact that the London County Council Tramways Committee has not risen to the demands of the period, the early morning service being quite inadequate. Loss of one minute by the working man may mean the loss of hours in his pay.

With regard to the injustice. Here again we find the Daily Press, with but few exceptions, arrayed against the working man. That large section of the Press whose ubiquitous representatives can learn all about anything in less than half an hour and whose columns admit no contradiction, has been guilty of criminal folly again and again throughout the past six months. The headline provocative, most dangerous of implements since it stirs up the ignorant who read little beyond placards and head-lines, has been all too much in evidence, while sensational stories have been told of drunken dock labourers arrested with anything from twenty to sixty pounds in their trouser pockets, and quite interesting little fables have been related in cold print concerning the working man's preference for notes because a paper hoard can be moved without noise. The mischief done by these exaggerated statements and insinuations concerning working-class earnings is incalculable. Dealing with one aspect only, do such statements not furnish semblance of excuse for the artificial inflation of prices? Since contradiction or correction from those who know is seldom or never admitted, great bitterness is engendered. The dock labourer previously quoted, who succeeded in getting a letter published, wrote: I have been a dock labourer for thirty-five years and the last three weeks have been my best weeks for years, my wages averaging 21. 58. . . . so where does the four or five pounds per week come in?'

Before leaving our consideration of the Press attitude towards increased earnings there are yet two points to which attention should be directed. It has already been said that very few working men live on their normal weekly wage. From this it follows that overtime

pay is by no means all gross profit, for garden-plots are perforce neglected and boot repairing must be put out and paid for. Suppose his subsidiary industry be worth five shillings per week to the man-and this is a low estimate he has to put in five shillingsworth of overtime each week on this count alone that his budget may be normal. Next, if we consider that the increased cost of food and fuel be no more than fifteen per cent., and if, still keeping our estimate very low, of his normal wage sixty per cent. is absorbed by these two items, then nine per cent. must be added to that normal wage to make up for this increased cost of living. Now what is the position of the man whose normal rate is twenty-five shillings? He requires an additional five shillings plus nine per cent. on twenty-five shillings--in all an increase of seven shillings and threepence each week. How much overtime does this mean? If he is in Government employ and puts in three hours extra a day for each of four days, he earns eight shillings and fourpence as overtime pay-thus making one and a penny gross profit by overtime. And even the anti-labour Press admits that labourers on twenty-five shillings a week are able to make very little extra. Supposing he works but two and a half hours extra on four nights, his weekly earnings will be sixpence less than in times of peace. On the other hand, should he work all day on Sunday, he will earn nine shillings at one fell swoop, for he receives double pay for that day-a surplus of one shilling and ninepence for the loss of his day of rest.

It is the knowledge of these facts which enables one to say that the workers generally are feeling the strain of additional work and are labouring under a sense of increased injustice. Of the 10,000 strikers on the Clyde the great majority have had no increase of pay for seventeen years, the increment then having been one halfpenny per hour; and, in simple justice to them, some stress should be laid on the fact that their demand for the additional twopence was formulated and presented before there was any prospect of war. Their subsequent refusal to work overtime pending a settlement is hardly to be wondered at when one reflects that, whereas an employer would deem it disgraceful to delay his reply to a business enquiry addressed to him from without his Vol. 223.-No. 443.

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own works for longer than a week, such an enquiry coming from within his establishment may be indefinitely shelved. Yet a strike in war time and against the advice of Union officials clearly has its bad points.

Of the 8000 Liverpool carters who handed in strike notices recently not much need be said, for they have displayed both courage and patience by returning to work in so short a time. Of the London Shipowners who declined to meet Dockers' representatives nothing need be said.

Concerning the Committee appointed to report upon production in engineering and shipbuilding establishments, there has been much public talk anent the absence of Union officials from such a body; and it is not without interest to note that a very great deal is being said privately, and quite unofficially, with reference to the fact that there are no 'Men without handles to their names on the job.'

As regards the immediate present, the question of strikes may perhaps be summed up in this way. The workers have absolutely no idea of endangering the Empire or of exposing our troops to added risks. Their attention is concentrated on the notion that a state of war is being made the excuse for further exploiting them. Requests made before the war are still undealt with, while the cost of living has been much increased. Protest has been unavailing, hence the strikes-unfortunately in war time. The suggestion that our Government should adopt yet another German method and mobilise strikers overlooks the fact that a large majority of our strikers have already volunteered for active service and been told that they would be of more use to their country by remaining at work. A proposal which seems far more sound is that due to the Hon. William Pember Reeves, who suggests that we should adopt the Australian system of arbitration, at least for the period of the war. If this be done the prospects of successful working will certainly not be made more remote by the inclusion on the arbitration boards of men who understand both the work and the workmen.

Art. 11.-INDIAN ART.

1. Indian Sculpture and Painting. By E. B. Havell. London: Murray, 1908.

2. The Ideals of Indian Art. By E. B. Havell. London: Murray, 1914.

3. A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon. By Vincent A. Smith. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1911. 4. Selected Examples of Indian Art. By A. K. Coomaraswamy. London: Quaritch, 1910.

5. Indian Drawings. Two Parts. By A. K. Coomaraswamy. London: India Society, 1910 and 1912.

6. The Arts and Crafts of India and Ceylon. By Ananda K. Coomaraswamy. London: Foulis, 1913.

7. Eleven Plates of Indian Sculpture, chiefly in English Collections. Edited by E. B. Havell. London: Probsthain, 1914.

WITH the opening of the 20th century the art of Europe finds itself in strange condition. It is full of selfquestioning, full of perplexity. It feels the desire to go forward, but is not sure of its direction. The underlying causes of this condition are not difficult to trace. It has been for centuries an accepted theory that art consists of an imitation of nature. It is true that the great artists have always understood that their fundamental business was design; but the belief that the representative side of art is its essential function has influenced the practice of all artists; and the signal success of science has also, consciously or unconsciously, coloured the minds of all of us, so that the zest of discovery and exploration has been for art too a commanding inspiration. Like men of science, artists have put their life's effort into the wrestle with nature. A perpetual reference to nature, a close touch with the inexhaustible variety of natural form, colour, and movement, makes for health and vigour in art; but with the true artist the problems of representing these are subordinated to the fundamental problem of design. And design need not be concerned, though in ripe and great art it always is concerned, with nature. After long labour and struggle, aided by scientific study of anatomy, perspective, and