Imatges de pàgina
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The Irish-but Old Nick himself might
be puzzled to find a proper appellative for
the Irish ascendancy faction. It owes its
existence to freedom of thought and
utterance, and would deny it to all others.
It rests its title to the possession of power
to a violent revolution of no distant date,
and would claim for it the superstitious
reverence paid to existences whose com-
mencement dates beyond memory. It is
the strong arm claiming the attributes of
reason. It is an attempt to give perpe-
tuity to one moment of a state of transi-
tion. It is the most complete practical
bull Ireland ever made, and has been
attended with the worst consequences.
But be the ascendancy boys what they
may, even their most sweet voices have
been comparatively stilled by the pros-
pect of the coming elections. Mealy-
mouthed, however, though our old ene-
mies are, their conduct is as bad as ever.
They deceive one voter, they bully
another (quietly, as one of Robert Cham-
bers' heroes would say,) and they endea-
vour to lame their adversaries by all sorts
of legal quibbling. It will not do. The
next Parliament will finish their beloved
system, and every succeeding one will add
to the number of clear-sighted, firm, re-
flective, and bold legislators. "Wait till
we see how the Reform Bill works, and
then we will know whether the ballot be
called for." It is in the state of transi-
tion that the ballot is most necessary. Ve-
terans may be brought to stand fire on a
bare field. It is the recruits that need
to be trained to the business, by bush-
fighting and barricade work.

reliance prevail more--where a great class
of those who are "constantly on poor-
tith's brink," tread their perilous path
with a surer foot,-an exertion has been
necessary, but has been more uniformly
made with success. The entire novelty
of the situation of the electors may not
have been without its influence. With a
few exceptions, the conduct of the liberal
candidates, as far as it has come within
the sphere of our knowledge, has been
fair, and what it ought to be. Were we
to complain of anything, it would be a
want of definitiveness and precision on
the part of the declarations of many of
them. Doubts are held by some as to
specific pledges. They rank under the
category of vows or promissory oaths, re-
specting the character of which the reader
may consult Bentham's Book of Fallacies,
page 82, et seq. Still it is possible for a
man, without tying up his hands, to show
by his words that he has distinct views
of what general measures are necessary,
and is prepared to act up to them. What
we complain of on the part of many
liberal candidates, on the part of all who
are identified with the Whig party, is an
affectation of mystery. "Political science
is a thing so abstruse as to be beyond the
comprehension of the multitude, and
might be attended with dangerous conse-
quences if discussed openly. The people
are so apt to run away with general con-
clusions. An abstract principle is so apt
to be misapplied." We tell these gentle-
men that plain speaking is called for.
Mystification always smells of legerde-
main. The man who will not speak his
mind freely, "though the blank verse
should halt for it," if he have not made
up his mind to act dishonestly, has not at
all events made up his mind to act
honestly. This is the impression natu-
rally, necessarily, and justly made on the
minds of all plain unlettered men by
humming and hawing, and looking more
than you say. The defeated faction, the
anti-reformers are, from the very necessity
of their case, forced into double-dealing.
Great allowances must be made for men
who deal with people newly come to their
estate, in the hopes of ousting them out
of it. We have seen only one addresss to
the electors of any district which speaks
decidedly the Tory language; and even
that is much after the fashion that we
have heard some refugees speak French.
They had been long enough in this
country to lose their own language, but
not to acquire English. The English
Tories have discovered that the Church
needs repairs we mean reform. The
Scottish Tories, that the extension of the
franchise will be a benefit to Scotland.

BANK CHARTER.-This is a subject about which the public mind is at present much busied, without entertaining any very clear notions of the extent or bearing of the question. Every periodical discusses it, but none with precision or mastery of the topic; and readers pay to their disquisitions the toll of a languid attention. People know that it is time they were making up their minds, but know not to whom they ought to apply for council. The Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry is now allowed, on all hands, to have been a bubble. It came to no conclusion, and indeed, by the nature of its inquiries could not. Among the popular leaders Mr. ATTWOOD of Birmingham, and Mr. COBBETT, if not the soundest teachers on this point, are at least the loudest. The Birmingham Journal, reporting the proceedings at a meeting of the Council of the Union, said "Mr. Charles Jones spoke in refutation of Mr. Cobbett's doctrines on the currency." Roused by this remark, COBBETT dispatched on the 19th of August, a challenge to the Political

Council of Birmingham to hold a public disputation on the subject, which was accepted by Mr. ATTWOOD and Mr. JONES, in a letter dated the 22d. The meeting took place in BEARD'S Repository in Birmingham, on the 29th of August, and was resumed on the 30th. The question put was: "Whether it is best, for the safety and welfare of the nation, to attempt to relieve the existing distress by an action on the currency, or by an equitable adjustment of the taxes, rents, debts, contracts, and obligations, which now strangle the industry of the country?" The result of the meeting was just what might have been expected: both sides claim the victory. Disinterested parties, however, are agreed that each has confuted the doctrines of the other. "An action on the currency " is a gentle term for an act enabling debtors to pay in a depreciated currency. An "equitable adjustment" is an impossiblity. What are to be assumed as the limits of the before and after? What array of inquisitors will be able to arrange all the pending obligations of so large a mercantile country as ours? Have we not law-suits and references to arbiters enough already? Mr. COBBETT, we see, demands that a fine of £1000, imposed upon him in 1809, for publishing an article on military flogging in his Register, be refunded, but whispers not one word of his willingness to receive a less sum on account of Peel's bill having since raised the value of money. As little does he advert, in bringing this claim, to a favourite argument of his own, when speaking of the liability of the nation to pay the debt, that it was incurred by the boroughmongers; that recourse lies against them alone. A discussion on the subject of the Bank Charter and the currency, has been announced in the National Union, but has not yet taken place. The mixture of boldness and caution displayed by this body on all occasions, and the tact which it has ever shown in discerning the limits within which a Union ought to act, are above all praise.

IRELAND: TITHES: REPEAL OF THE UNION. The tithe war proceeds in Ireland. Mr. Stanley's bill for compulsory adjustment has had, at least, the effect of stirring up the people to overstep the limits of passive resistance. The parish of Brinny, near Bandon, has been valued under that act, and the auspices of a large party of lancers. Some Roman Catholic gentlemen, in the neighbourhood, succeeded in persuading the people to submit. The next step of the authorities was to procure several persons who had taken

part in anti-tithe meetings some months ago-some in the parish of Bandon, others at Buttevant-bound over to appear at the Cork assizes. Nothing dismayed, how. ever, a large anti-tithe meeting was held in the neighbourhood of Waterford, on Sunday, the 2d September, Mr. Wyse, M. P. in the chair. The Mayor of the city announced, that Mr. Stanley having been informed of the intended meeting, had favoured him with a special injunction to watch over its proceedings. His honour thought his mere presence would be enough; and, although very strong re solutions were passed, the orderly conduct of the meeting throughout justified his confidence. Reports have been spread through the country, that the peasantry are poisoning the tithe hay. This is done as a joke, but it is one of those savage jokes which come only from embittered spirits. On Wednesday, the 5th of September, the grand explosion took place. A party of the 14th Infantry are stationed at Buttevant, and a party of the 92d at Castletown-roche. Both stations are situated on a feeder of the Blackwater, the latter at the junction of the streamlet with that river. Doneraile lies on the same rivulet, nearly half-way betwixt the places we have named. On Wednesday, the 5th, the clergyman of the parish of Wallstown, in the neighbourhood of Doneraile, proceeded with his proctors to value the tithes, attended by some of the neighbouring magistrates, a party of armed police, and a party of the 14th from Buttevant. The parishioners collected, armed with wattles, stones, pitch-forks and reaping-hooks; and formed behind the hedges. One or two fields were valued with great difficulty. The Riot Act was read several times. The soldiers were ordered to load with ball; the word being given ostentatiously loud, in the hopes of intimidating the people. After upwards of two hours had been thus spent, a reinforcement of sixteen men of the 92d arrived from Castletown-roche. Admiral Evans (one of the magistrates) said to the people, “I'll go on my knees to entreat you to go home, and allow the persons to proceed in valuing the parish." For a moment they were rendered undecided, and gave back, but soon re-assumed the attitude of opposition. Several of them addressed the soldiers "We'll not harm you, but we will these d-d Peelers," (the police.) For half an hour longer this bloodless opposition continued; the party supporting the valua. tors attempting to advance, the peasantry impeding their progress. The passions of both parties were now effectually roused. The clergyman remained on the ground

the whole time. At last, a boy from among the crowd neared their armed opponents; whether from childish frowardness, or at the instigation of some person in the crowd, does not appear. A policeman desired him to keep off; on which three or four of the most determined of the peasantry brought their pitch-forks to a charging level, and said, "Strike him if you dare; if you do, by G-d we'll run you through.'

About the same time the son of the clergyman, while officiating as one of the valuators, was struck at with a stick, and Mr. Low, a magistrate, was hit with a stone. The police now closed with the people, and attempted to take some men prisoners, who were liberated as fast as they were secured. The crowd pressed forward, and the magistrates sought refuge behind the soldiers. General Annesley (a magistrate) directed the officer commanding the detachment of the 14th to make face, and the officer in command of that from the 92d to move round and charge the mob in the rear. In a few minutes the 92d were seen charging the people up hill. The struggle between the police and the people continued, and some stones were thrown in the direction of the magistrates; whereupon these dignitaries gave the word, hurriedly, "Fire! fire! fire!" The commanding officer did not repeat the order, but two-thirds of the soldiers discharged their muskets at the clamour of the magistrates. Ten or twelve of the peasantry were wounded, and four killed. The crowd, which might amount to about 800 persons, then dispersed, on all sides. Warrants were subsequently issued for the apprehension of individuals who had taken part in the affray. The small farmers and labourers of the district have been driven, by this event, to desperation, and do not hesitate to express the inveteracy of their longings for vengeance.

not, and will not, pay them any more."
"Very true," say a great majority of their
opponents; "but legal etiquette requires
that you should pay them until we agree
to their removal, and when that will be
we do not know." The sufferings of the
peasantry are nothing, but the dignified
starched consistency of the parsons' de-
fenders is a holy thing. A law as to the
injustice of which, almost all are agreed,
must be maintained, to minister occasion
to heart-burnings and blood-shed, until
Master Justice Overdo's warrant be ob
tained for dispensing with it. These wise-
acres would have been burning witches to
this day, if the statute had not been luck-
ily and lawfully abrogated. No won-
der, that, under such circumstances, the
question of repeal is mooted. We differ,
however, from some of its supporters thus:
The Irish and English are much more the
same people than the English and Scotch
were at the time of our Union. Their in-
terests are identical, and a parliament cho-
sen by the free voice of the people will
soon show this. It is not the transference
of the seat of legislature from Dublin to
London that has created absenteeism: one-
half of these runagates are attracted by
the court, and the other waste their time
and substance in foreign countries. Mak-
ing Dublin the seat of legislature instead
of London might increase the wealth and
population of that city, but would have
no perceptible effect upon the rest of the
island. The communication between Lon-
don and Ireland is now as direct and un-
interrupted as between London and Scot-
land, and rather more so. The mainte-
nance of an incorporating union has a
tendency to prevent paltry jealousies, to
promote mercantile and social intercourse,
and to strengthen against external aggres
sion. Viewed abstractly, every thing is
in favour of the incorporating union be
tween the two kingdoms. Here then we
take our stand. If it shall be found that
a Reformed Parliament denies justice to
Ireland, we have no right to hold that
island to an unjust bargain. There is no
help for it; we must separate. The Irish
would be base slaves did they not insist
upon this. But when we hear some of
Ireland's most respected patriots pro-
pounding first one demand and then an-
other, all just and indispensable in them-
selves, and then (supposing all granted,)
bawling for a repeal of the Union as a
crowner that measure only defensible
as a means of obtaining the rest, when
all other plans fail-it fairly takes away
our breath. We are anxious to preserve
the Union, because we believe it to be for
the benefit of all parties. A constitutional
King is a respectable broomstick; a name

It is not the empty clamour of a momentary excitement, but the half-suppressed language of frenzied resolution. Few remarks are necessary upon an occurrence so hackneyed in Ireland. The personal hatred between the supporters and the opponents of tithes is daily growing in intensity. The peasantry, even in the moment of slaughter and red-handed opposition, remember to distinguish between the police, whose hearts are with their oppressors, and the military, who are mere instruments. The question at issue between the parties is, Are tithes to continue? No, say the peasantry; "they are horribly unjust and oppressive. We can

There is no church in the parish of Wallstown; and, exclusive of the clergyman's family, only one Protestant.

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ander which his Ministers reign and decree justice. Such a moppet cannot hold two broad islands together. We must be one people, one and indivisible, or we must part company. To us Ireland is dear as Scotland, the county Kildare as Mid-Lothian, the Shannon as the Clyde. Our hearts are one, and if fair means can keep us together, we shan't separate this bout.

THE CONTINENT.

Some

FRANCE. The death of young Napoleon will simplify French politics a little. His adherents never could have influenced the destinies of the nation, but they were numerous enough to kick up an occasional row, and it is as well to have their mouths stopped. They will now merge 66 as wit and fortune will," or as the destinies decree," into the Republicans, Carlists, or Philippians. geese have been cackling portentously about the departure of the ex-family from Great Britain. The truth is, that so long as a scion of Napoleon formed part of the Austrian Court, that power had no need of the Bourbons. Now that they have lost him, they wish to hold another court card in their game with France. It is scarcely fair slipping in extra honours from a rejected pack in this manner: but Austrian consciences are not very particular. A family compact between LOUIS PHILIPPE and his cousins respecting the throne of France has been hinted at. If this be true, the sooner he is sent packing, the better. There is nothing recent, of importance, in the internal arrangements of France. No stable ministry has yet struck root. The Duchess of BERRI is supposed to be still hovering like an evil spirit within the march of La Vendée.

GERMANY. All is yet silent. Austria and Prussia seem to be taking a thought. There is, however, no chance of their retracing their steps. The danger was too urgent. It was not the loud journalists in the south of Germany alone that terified them. It was the universality of constitutional principles. There is now before us a German literary journal, containing among other matter, a review of the political pamphlets and larger works which appeared during the month of April 1832. The list is a long one, and the legitimates are in a portentous minority. Few of these works are declamatory: they are pieces of tough, hard-headed reasoning. And to this literary congress scarcely a district of Germany but what has sent its representative. This quiet, unostentatious, innumerable array it is at which the protocol is in reality aimed. Let the crown

ed oppressors once disperse the maraude, and they will find an apology for attacking the main body without a declaration of war. They are not faltering in their purpose, but biding their time. The liberal party must be equally alert. There are symptoms of a spirit in Germany which keep hope alive; flames hovering over the surface, indicative of the glow beneath. But there must be union and mutual understanding. The foundations of a federal union of the people of Germany, not of her princes merely, must be laid. The patriots in the different states must be prepared to rise at once whenever the tyrants loose their ban-dogs upon any one of them. The foundation of every stately and stable building must be laid deep in the earth. What is it, that the citizens of Wurtemburg enter into a solemn league and covenant; that the brave burghers of Hanau refuse to forego their municipal rights, at the bidding of an armed force; that the commons of Hanover stand firm to their faith? They must be prepared to act in concert. Their princes are ready to sink down into an aristocracy as soon as Austria and Prussia have settled which power is to wear the crown of Germany. They have sold themselves to the oppressors. The people of Germany have no trust but in themselves and in their union. Humanity, policy, or timidity on either side, or on both, may postpone the day of decision, but the contest has begun. The bold step of issuing the protocol has rendered retreat impossible. Germany must sooner or later be a republic or a despotism. The issue does not seem to hurry on; there is time for preparation left. If the Germans fail, they will be undeserving of pity.

Pedro and Miguel continue to grin at each other like two weak curs. Switzerland is arming. Holland and Belgium are manœuvring. The rest of Europe sleeps the sleep of despotism-which is that of death.

UNITED STATES.

PRESIDENT Jackson is in the matter of literary polish inferior to his predecessors. He is not perhaps more violent than they were, for a dourer devil than Jefferson could not well be, and even the genteel bustling Adams I. had a temper of his own; but he is a soldier and a backwoodsman, and not always master of the suaviter in re. He has shewn, however, since his accession to office, how successfully strong natural powers can compensate the want of diplomatic experience, and how well an intelligent and honest man may redeem the bad consequences of occasional brusqueries. His intrepidity

in putting his veto on the bank bill, is put in the fairest light by his message to Congress, of the 10th of July. This docu ment is worthy the attention of England; it contains much that bears directly on the question of the Old Lady in Threadneedle Street's modest request for a renewal of her lease. The excellent temper, and sound reasoning of that document, shew how usefull the somewhat invidious power of the veto may become, when placed in the hands of men who are responsible for their actions, and selected by the voice of a nation, because of their approved fitness for office. The presidential election is hastening on, and highly though we esteem more than one of Mr. Jackson's competitors, we are most anxious that, under the direction of one who has so well, so improvingly dis

charged the duties of his high office, a constitutional question should be decided, which has been ripening rapidly of late years, and must soon fall to be determined -the question of the limits of the sovereignty of Congress. This is the question which forms the real ground of difference between the only two great parties in America, and unfortunately it has assumed somewhat of a local character, threatening dissension between the southern and eastern states. We watch the issue without any serious alarm, yet not altogether at our ease. The eyes of the world are on the United States. The dissolution of their Union would do yeoman's service to all the friends of old abuses in Europe.

STATE OF COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURES.

SEPTEMBER, 1832.

The improvement which we have long anticipated in the state of commerce and manufactures is now beginning to be realized. That it has been so long delayed is to be ascribed, in a very great measure, to the continued prevalence of cholera in the principal seaports and manufacturing towns. This disease has done much more to paralyze the operations of trade, than could easily be believed by those who have not made extensive inquiries on the subject. We do not allude merely to the effect produced on our export trade by the quarantine regulations of foreign countries, some of which are so rigorous as to be almost prohibitory, nor by the lessened demand for British goods in those countries which, like ourselves, have been afflicted with the disease; but more particularly to the great diminution of internal intercourse and traffic, caused by the existence of the cholera in our large towns. We know many instances, where even the eager spirit of trade has been overcome by the dread of pestilence; where the wool grower and farmer have been deterred from attending the wool fairs and corn markets with their produce; where the merchant has been kept away from the manufacturer, and the manufacturer from the merchant; where shopkeepers have been prevented from going to their usual markets for goods, and commercial travellers from visiting their customers. The dread of cholera has always been much greater where the disease did not prevail than where it did, and generally its terrors

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were magnified exactly in proportion to its distance. The shopkeepers in most of the large towns, who have suffered considerably during the last six months, can distinctly trace the falling off of their business to the chilling, repulsive, and terrifying effects of this disease. Within that period it has spread throughout most of the populous districts of Eng land, Scotland, and Ireland; it is now dying away in several of the principal towns, though we fear that the extent of its prevalence in the country rather widening than narrowing.

In spite, however, of this serious and protracted cause of depression in trade, a very decided improvement has become apparent within the last month. The stocks of traders of every description had fallen so low that it had become necessary to replenish them. The fall of the year set the manufacturers in activity to make goods for the winter season. A bounteous harvest has raised the spirits, and enlarged the means of the farmer. And the profound tranquillity, which reigns throughout Great Britain, forming so striking a contrast with the universal agitation and apprehension which prevailed whilst the Reform Bill was in jeopardy, has restored confidence, and removed one of the principal obstacles to the activity and extension of commerce.

The harvest is the most plentiful which has been known for many years, and the great bulk of the wheat crops have been well secured. In the north of England, and in Scotland, a considerable quantity

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