years from Japan, this trade could only be carried on by smuggling. regular system was adopted to secure the greatest success and profit. The Japanese landed their goods on some island off the coast, whence the Chinese removed them at a safe and convenient moment to the mainland. The average value of the cargo of one of the small junks which carried on this trade is said to have been four thousand pounds of our money, so that it may be inferred that the profits were considerable. But the national antipathies would not be repressed by the profitable character of this trade, and the refusal of a Chinese merchant to give a Japanese the goods for which he had paid lit the embers of a war which went on for half a century, and which materially weakened the Ming power. During the last years of Chitsong's long reign of forty-five years this trouble showed signs of getting worse, although the Japanese confined their efforts to irregular and unexpected attacks on places on the coast, and did not attempt to wage a regular war. In the midst of these troubles and when it was hoped that the exhortation of his ministers would produce some effect, Chitsong died, leaving behind him a will or public proclamation to be issued after his death, and which reads like a long confession of fault. Mea culpa, exclaimed this Eastern ruler at the misfortunes of his people and the calamities of his realm, but he could not propound a remedy for them.

His third son succeeded him as the Emperor Moutsong, and the character and capacity of this prince gave promise that his reign would be satisfactory if not glorious. Unfortunately for his family, and perhaps for his country, the public expectations were dispelled in his case by an early death. The six years during which he reigned were rendered remarkable by the conclusion of a stable peace with the Tartar Yenta, who accepted the title of a Prince of the Empire. Moutsong when he found that he was dying grew apprehensive lest the youth of his son might not stir up dissension and provoke that internal strife which had so often proved the bane of the empire, and involved the wreck of many of its dynasties. He exhorted his ministers to stand by his son who was only a boy, to give him the best advice in their power, and to render him worthy of the throne. That the apprehensions of Moutsong were not without reason was clearly shown by the mishaps and calamities which occurred during the long reign of his son and successor Wanleh. With the death of Moutsong the period ends when it was possible to state that the majesty of the Mings remained undimmed, and that this truly national dynasty wielded with power and full authority the imperial mandate. When they had driven out the Mongol the Mings seem to have settled down into an ordinary and intensely national line of rulers. The successors of Hongwou did nothing great or noteworthy, but the Chinese acquiesced in their rule, and even showed that they possessed for it a special regard and affection.

97

CHAPTER VIII.

THE DECLINE OF THE MINGS.

THE reign of Wanleh covers the long and important epoch from 1573 to 1620, during which period occurred some very remarkable events in the history of the country, including the first movements of the Manchus with a view to the conquest of the Empire. The young prince was only six when he was placed on the throne, but he soon showed that he had been well-trained to play the part of ruler. At his first Court he singled out the chief of the ministers selected for him by his father, and thus addressed him: "My father used to regard you as the most zealous and faithful of his subjects; on succeeding to his crown I have inherited his sentiments. I do not doubt that you will anxiously instruct me as to my responsibilities and as to the manner in which I should bear myself." Thanks to the exertions and tact of his mother, the first year of Wanleh's reign was passed through without hitch or difficulty. The amiable character of the young Emperor made a favourable impression on all brought into contact with him, and it really seemed as if the virtues and success of Moutsong were to be emulated by his son. The best indication of the prosperity of the realm is furnished by the revenue, which steadily increased until it reached the great total in cash, excluding the grain receipts, of fifteen millions of our money. But a large revenue becomes of diminished value unless it is associated with sound finance. The public expenditure showed a steady increase; the Emperor and his advisers were incapable of checking the outlay, and extravagance, combined with improvidence, soon depleted the exchequer. Internal troubles occurred to further embarrass the executive, and the resources of the state were severely strained in coping with more than one serious rebellion, among which the most formidable was the mutiny of a mercenary force under the command of a Turk officer named Popai, who imagined that he was unjustly treated, and that the time was favourable to found an administration of his own. His early successes encouraged him to believe that he would succeed in his object; but when he found that all the disposable forces of the Empire were sent against him, he abandoned the field, and shut himself up in the fortress at Ninghia, where he hoped to hold out indefinitely. For many months he succeeded in baffling the attacks of Wanleh's general, and the siege might even have had to be raised if the latter had not conceived the idea of diverting the course of the river Hoangho, so that it might bear upon the walls of the fortress. Popai was unable to resist this form of attack, and when the Chinese stormers made their way through the breach thus caused, he attempted to commit suicide by setting fire to his residence. This satis

H

faction was denied him, for a Chinese officer dragged him from the flames, slew him, and sent his head to the general Li Jusong, who conducted the siege, and of whom we shall hear a great deal more.

The gratification caused by the overthrow of Popai had scarcely abated when the attention of the Chinese Government was drawn away from domestic enemies to a foreign assailant who threatened the most serious danger to China. Reference was made in the last chapter to the relations between the Chinese and the Japanese, and to the aggressions of the latter, increased, no doubt, by Chinese chicane and their own naval superiority and confidence. But nothing serious might have come out of these unneighbourly relations if they had not furnished an ambitious ruler with the opportunity of embarking on an enterprise which promised to increase his Empire and his glory. The old Japanese ruling family was descended, as already described, from a Chinese exile; but the hero of the sixteenth century could claim no relationship with the royal house, and owed none of his success to the accident of a noble birth. Fashiba, called by some English writers Hideyoshi; by the Chinese Pingsiuki; and by the Japanese, on his elevation to the dignity of Tycoon, Taiko Sama, was originally a slave; and it is said that he first attracted attention by refusing to make the prescribed obeisance to one of the daimios or lords. He was on the point of receiving condign punishment, when he pleaded his case with such ingenuity and courage that the daimio not only forgave him his offence, but gave him a post in his service. Having thus obtained honourable employment, Fashiba devoted all his energy and capacity to promoting the interests of his new master, knowing well that his position and opportunities must increase equally with them. In a short time he made his lord the most powerful daimio in the land, and on his death he stepped, naturally enough, into the position and power of his chief. How long he would have maintained himself thus in ordinary times may be matter of opinion, but he resolved to give stability to his position and a greater lustre to his name by undertaking an enterprise which should be popular with the people and profitable to the state. The Japanese had only attempted raids on the coast, and they had never thought of establishing themselves on the mainland. But Fashiba proposed the conquest of China, and he hoped to effect his purpose through the instrumentality of Corea. With this view he wrote the King of that country the following letter:-"I will assemble a mighty host, and, invading the country of the Great Ming, I will fill with hoar-frost from my sword the whole sky over the 400 provinces. Should I carry out this purpose, I hope that Corea will be my vanguard. Let her not fail to do so, for my friendship to your honourable country depends solely on your conduct when I lead my army against China.”

Although Fashiba looked to the alliance of Corea to help him in his enterprise, he began it with an act of aggression at her expense, by seizing the important harbour of Fushan, over which Japan still claims a certain superiority and right of priority as to protection, as well as commerce. Having thus secured a foothold on the mainland and a gateway into the kingdom, Fashiba hastened to invade Corea at the head of a large army, and as neither the Corean king nor people seemed to care for his alliance or for his project of invading China, he treated them both as enemies and with marked brutality. The rude and untrained levies of the Corean monarch were vanquished in every encounter. His capital was sacked and the tombs of his ancestors desecrated, while Lipan himself fled to the

Chinese Court to implore the assistance of Wanleh. To such an appeal it is probable that the Chinese Government would, under any circumstances, have given a favourable reply, but the discomfiture of Corea entailed a contingent peril to China, and the ministers of Wanleh at once promised Lipan all the aid he demanded to expel the audacious islander from the Asiatic mainland. An army was hastily assembled and marched to arrest the progress of the Japanese invader, who had by this reached Pingyang, a town 400 miles north of Fushan. An action was fought outside this town, and, although the result could not be regarded as decisive, the advantage rested with the Japanese, who succeeded in destroying a Chinese regiment. After this a lull ensued in the campaign, and while some ineffectual attempts were made to conclude a peace, both sides brought up fresh forces. Fashiba came over from Japan with further supplies and troops to assist his general, Hingchang, while on the Chinese side, Li Jusong, the captor of Ninghia, was placed at the head of the Chinese army. A second battle was fought in the neighbourhood of Pingyang, and after some stubborn fighting the Japanese were driven out of that town. The remainder of the campaign was favourable to the Chinese arms, although the fruits of victory were nearly lost through the personal peril in which Li Jusong was placed. His own valour and the devotion of his body-guard alone saved him from falling a prisoner into the hands of the Japanese.

The second campaign was opened by a brilliant feat on the part of Li Jusong, who succeeded in surprising and destroying the granaries and storehouses constructed by the Japanese, near Seoul, the capital. The loss of their stores compelled the Japanese to retire on Fushan, but they did so with such boldness and confidence that the Chinese did not venture to attack them. A further attempt was made to settle the dispute in an amicable manner, and Fashiba was flattered and rendered disposed to come to terms by his recognition as sovereign of Japan. Presents were exchanged and envoys passed between the two camps, and all promised to end satisfactorily when Fashiba discovered that the Chinese official entrusted with the conclusion of the peace was of very inferior rank, and that the Chinese minister was endeavouring to propitiate him at the same time that he maintained the superior pretensions of his own sovereign. Fashiba broke off the peace negotiations, and, fitting out a fresh navy of over 200 vessels, prepared to prosecute the war with greater vigour and numbers. The war went on with undecided fortune, the jealousies of the Chinese commanders neutralised their superior numbers and the genius of Li Jusong, and the ultimate result of the struggle was still doubtful when the sudden death of Fashiba completely altered the complexion of the situation. The Japanese army then withdrew, taking with it a vast amount of booty and the ears of 10,000 Coreans. The Chinese troops also retired, leaving the Corean king at liberty to restore his disputed authority, and his kingdom once more sank into its primitive state of exclusion and semi-darkness. Unfortunately for their reputation, the Chinese stained their reputation by the murder of two Japanese officers, relatives of Fashiba, whom they described as a rebel instead of an independent prince. This act was an unwarrantable breach of the usages of war and the dictates of humanity. Fashiba had shown himself a formidable, but not the less an honourable, enemy, and the pretension of China to treat him as a rebellious vassal was on a par with the fiction which would have made the King of England the tributary of Pekin.

The seven years' war in Corea ended with this episode. The Chinese showed prudence and policy in defending it against the Japanese, but the successes of the early part of the campaign were not equalled in its subsequent stages, when doubtful engagements were converted into victories, and defeats were concealed under lying bulletins.

For the first time in Chinese history the relations between the Middle Kingdom and Europeans became of importance during the reign of Wanleh, which would alone give it a special distinction. The Portuguese led the way for European enterprise in China, and it was very unfortunate that they did so, for it was soon written of them that "the Portuguese have no other design than to come under the name of merchants to spy the country, that they may hereafter fall upon it with fire and sword." As early as the year 1560 they had obtained from the local officials the right to found a settlement and to erect sheds for their goods at a place which is now known as Macao. In a few years it became of so much importance that it was the annual resort of five or six hundred Portuguese merchants, and the Portuguese, by paying a yearly rent of 500 taels, secured the practical monopoly of the trade of the Canton river, which was then and long afterwards the only vent for the external trade of China. No doubt, the Portuguese had to supplement this nominal rent by judicious bribes to the leading mandarins. Next after the Portuguese came the Spaniards, who, instead of establishing themselves on the mainland, made their headquarters in the group of the Philippine Islands, which they still hold. Chinese traders also visited that archipelago, and Chinese settlers formed the bulk of its prosperous colonists. The Spaniards saw, in the vastly preponderating numbers of the Celestials, a danger to their own existence; and when they found that emissaries were passing to and fro, between the islanders and the mainland, they jumped to the conclusion that a plot was being formed to annihilate them. Quick in realising their danger, the Spaniards were not less quick in taking their measures to nip the danger in the bud, and they resolved, being only 800 to 20,000, to perpetrate a massacre on the lines of St. Bartholomew. Their plans, owing to the superiority of firearms, met with complete success, and during several months the unfortunate Chinese settlers were hunted down throughout the islands. The Chinese, however, returned in greater numbers, and the massacres were repeated on several occasions. It was not for half a century that the Spaniards acquired sufficient confidence in the security of their position to abstain from having recourse to that violent thinning of the population which seemed to them their only safeguard. The tradition of these massacres has not altogether passed away, for even in our time there has been more than one massacre of the natives that partook much of the same character. The promotion of European interests in China owed little or nothing to the forbearance and moderation of either the Spaniards or Portuguese. They tyrannised over the Chinese subject to their sway, and they employed all their resources in driving away other Europeans from what they chose to consider their special commercial preserves. Thus the Dutch were expelled from the south by the Portuguese, and compelled to take refuge in Formosa, while the English and French did not make their appearance, except by occasional visits, until a much later period, although it should be recorded that the English Captain Weddell was the first to discover the mouth of the Canton river, and to make his way up to that great city.

If, however, the acts of the principal representatives of the European