returned to his island home. But the most formidable danger to the young Manchu ruler came from an unexpected quarter. The Mongols, seeing his embarrassment, and believing that the hours of the dynasty were numbered, resolved to take advantage of the occasion to push their claims. Satchar, chief of one of the Banners, issued a proclamation, calling his race to his side, and declaring his intention to invade China at the head of 100,000 men. It seemed hardly possible for Kanghi to extricate himself from his many dangers. With great quickness of perception Kanghi saw that the most pressing danger was that from the Mongols, and he sent the whole of his northern garrisons to attack Satchar before the Mongol clans could have gathered to his assistance. The Manchu cavalry, by a rapid march, surprised Satchar in his camp, and carried him and his family off as prisoners to Pekin. The capture of their chief discouraged the Mongols and interrupted their plans for invading China. Kanghi thus obtained a respite from what seemed his greatest peril. Then he turned his attention to dealing with Wou Sankwei, and the first effort of his armies resulted in the recovery of Fuhkien, where the governor and Ching had reduced themselves to a state of exhaustion by a contest inspired by personal jealousy, not patriotism. From Fuhkien his successful lieutenants passed into Kwantung, and the Chinese, seeing that the Manchus were not sunk as low as had been thought, abandoned all resistance, and again recognised the Tartar authority. The Manchus did not dare to punish the rebels except in rare instances, and, therefore, the recovery of Canton was unaccompanied by any scenes of blood. But a garrison of Manchus was placed in each town of importance, and it was by Kanghi's order that a walled town, or "Tartar city," was built within each city for the accommodation and security of the dominant race.

But nothwithstanding these successes Kanghi made little or no progress against the main force of Wou Sankwei, whose supremacy was undisputed throughout the whole of south-west China. It was not until 1677 that Kanghi ventured to move his armies against Wou Sankwei in person. Although he obtained no signal success in the field the divisions among the Chinese commanders were such that he had the satisfaction of compelling them to evacuate Hunan, and when Wou Sankwei took his first step backwards the sun of his fortunes began to set. Calamity rapidly fol lowed calamity. Wou Sankwei had not known the meaning of defeat in his long career of fifty years, but now, in his old age, he saw his affairs in inextricable confusion. His adherents deserted him, many rebel officers sought to come to terms with the Manchus, and Kanghi's armies gradually converged on Wou Sankwei from the east and the north. Driven out of Szchuen Wou Sankwei endeavoured to make a stand in Yunnan. He certainly succeeded in prolonging the struggle down to the year 1679, when his death put a sudden end to the contest, and relieved Kanghi from much anxiety, for although the success of the Manchus was no longer uncertain, the military skill of the old Chinese warrior might have indefinitely prolonged the war. Wou Sankwei was one of the most conspicuous, and attractive figures to be met with in the long course of Chinese history, and his career covered one of the most critical periods in the modern existence of that empire. From the time of his first distinguishing himself in the defence of Ningyuen until he died, half a century later, as Prince of Yunnan, he occupied the very foremost place in the minds of his fellowcountrymen. The part he had taken, first in keeping out the Manchus,

and then in introducing them into the State, reflected equal credit on his ability and his patriotism. In requesting the Manchus to crush the robber Li and to take the throne which the fall of the Mings had rendered vacant, he was actuated by the purest motives. There was only a choice of evils, and he selected that which seemed the less. He gave the empire to a foreign ruler of intelligence, but he saved it from an unscrupulous robber. He played the part of king-maker to the family of Noorhachu, and the magnitude of their obligations to him could not be denied. They were not as grateful as he may have expected, and they looked askance at his military power and influence over his countrymen. Probably he felt that he had not been well treated, and chagrin undoubtedly induced him to reject Kanghi's request to proceed to Pekin. If he had only acceded to that arrangement he would have left a name for conspicuous loyalty and political consistency in the service of the great race, which he had been mainly instrumental in placing over China. But even as events turned out he was one of the most remarkable personages the Chinese race ever produced, and his military career shows that they are capable of producing great generals and brave soldiers.

The death of Wou Sankwei signified the overthrow of the Chinese uprising which had threatened to extinguish the still growing power of the Manchu under its youthful Emperor Kanghi. Wou Shufan the grandson of that prince endeavoured to carry on the task of holding Yunnan as an independent territory, but by the year 1681 his possessions were reduced to the town of Yunnanfoo, where he was closely besieged by the Manchu forces. Although the Chinese fought valiantly, they were soon reduced to extremities, and the Manchus carried the place by storm. The garrison were massacred to the last man, and Wou Shufan only avoided a worse fate by committing suicide. The Manchus not satisfied with his death, sent his head to Pekin to be placed on its principal gate in triumph, and the body of Wou Sankwei himself was exhumed so that his ashes might be scattered in each of the eighteen provinces of China as a warning to traitors. Having crushed their most redoubtable antagonist, the Manchus resorted to more severe measures against those who had surrendered in Fuhkien and Kwantung, and many insurgent chiefs who had surrendered, and enjoyed a brief respite, ended their lives under the knife of the executioner. The Manchu soldiers are said to have been given spoil to the extent of nearly two millions sterling, and the war which witnessed the final assertion of Manchu power over the Chinese was essentially popular with the soldiers who carried it on to a victorious conclusion. A very short time after the final overthrow of Wou Sankwei and his family, the Chinese régime in Formosa was brought to an end. Kanghi, having collected a fleet, and concluded a convention with the Dutch, determined on the invasion and conquest of Formosa. In the midst of these preparations Ching, the son of Koshinga died, and, no doubt, the plans of Kanghi were facilitated by the confusion that followed. The Manchu fleet seized Ponghu, the principal island of the Pescadore group and thence the Manchus threw a force into Formosa. It is said that they were helped by a high tide, and by the superstition of the islanders, who exclaimed, "The first Wang (Koshinga), got possession of Taiwan by a high tide. The fleet now comes in the same manner. It is the will of Heaven." Formosa accepted the supremacy of the Manchus without further ado. Those of the islanders who had ever recognised the authority of any government, accepted that of the Emperor

Kanghi, shaved their heads in token of submission, and became so far as in them lay respectable citizens.

The overthrow of Wou Sankwei and the conquest of Formosa completed what may be called the pacification of China by the Manchus. From that period to the Taeping rebellion, or for nearly 200 years, there was no internal insurrection on a large scale. On the whole the Manchus stained their conclusive triumph by few excesses, and Kanghi's moderation was scarcely inferior to that of his father, Chuntche. The family of Wou Sankwei seems to have been rooted out more for the personal attempt of the son at Pekin than for the bold ambition of the potentate himself. The family of Koshinga was spared, and its principal representative received the patent of an earl. Thus, by a policy judiciously combined of severity and moderation, did Kanghi make himself supreme, and complete the work of his race. Whatever troubles may have beset the government in the last 220 years it will be justifiable to speak of the Manchus and the Tatsing dynasty as the legitimate authorities in China, and instead of foreign adventurers, as the national and recognised rulers of the Middle Kingdom.

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CHAPTER XI.

THE EMPEROR KANGHI.

THE Overthrow of Wou Sankwei and the pacification of Southern China did not terminate the anxiety Kanghi felt as to the security of his position, and, indeed, he was engaged until the end of his long reign in unceasing efforts to confirm the stability of the dynasty and to impress upon his subjects and neighbours that the Chinese Empire could best be controlled and held together by a Manchu ruler. Kanghi was the first Chinese ruler in modern times to define a policy for dealing with the ever-recurring danger from the tribes and warlike races of Central Asia; and as his policy has been consistently carried on by his successors it claims careful consideration. The attention of Kanghi seems to have been first attracted to the gravity of the question by the outbreak of Satchar, whose project threatened the very existence of the Manchu Government. That danger was averted by the promptitude of the Emperor's measures; but Kanghi, seeing that it might at any time recur, resolved to take steps to provide against it, even though the decision compelled him to interfere in the affairs of the more remote States of Central Asia. It was only by a policy of vigour and constant attention that he could hope to maintain control over the innumerable tribes beyond the Wall, who had looked upon China from tine immemorial as their legitimate prey. Even the Mongols, who had been the allies of the Manchus in their invasions of China, could not be kept true to their allegiance—such, at least, was the teaching of Satchar's revolt-and of the other tribes who had never held any relations with ths Manchus, it would have been absurd to expect anything but the indulgence of their natural predatory instincts.

Among the Mongol tribes the noblest at this period were the Khalkas. They prided themselves on being the descendants of the house of Genghis, the representatives of the special clan of the great conqueror, and the occupants of the original home in the valleys of the Onon and Kerulon. Although their military power was slight, the name of the Khalka princes stood high among the Mongol tribes, and they exercised an influence far in excess of their numbers or capacity as a fighting force. Kanghi determined to establish friendly relations with this clan, and by the despatch of friendly letters and costly presents he succeeded in inducing the Khalka chiefs to enter into formal alliance with himself, and to conclude a treaty of amity with China, which be it noted they faithfully observed. Kanghi's efforts in this direction, which may have been dictated by apprehension at the movements of his new neighbours, the Russians, were thus crowned with success, and the adhesion of the Khalkas signified that the great majority of the Mongols would thenceforth abstain from acts of unprovoked

aggression on the Chinese frontier. But the advance of China and her influence, even in the form of paying homage to the Emperor as the Bogdo Khan, or the Celestial Ruler, so far west as the upper course of the Amour, involved the Pekin Government in fresh complications by bringing it into contact with tribes and peoples of whom it had no cognizance. Beyond the Khalkas were the Eleuths, supreme in Ili and Kashgaria, and divided into four hordes, who obeyed as many chiefs. They had had some relations with the Khalkas, but of China they knew nothing more than the greatness of her name. When the surrender of the Khalka princes became known the Eleuth chiefs held a grand assembly or kuriltai, and at this it was finally, and, indeed, ostentatiously, decided not to yield Kanghi his demands. Important as this decision was, it derived increased weight from the character of the man who was mainly instrumental in inducing the Eleuths to take it.

Much has been written of the desert chiefs from Yenta to Yakoob Beg, but none of these showed greater ability or attained more conspicuous success than Galdan, who strained the power of China, and fought for many years on equal terms with the Emperor Kanghi. Galdan was the younger son of the most powerful chief of the Eleuths; but his ambition chafed at the inferior position assigned him by his birth. He slew his elder brother, and fled the paternal encampment, but he still preserved his original hope of being supreme over the whole Eleuth confederacy. He fled to Tibet, where he showed a wish to enter a lamasery, but the Dalai Lama refused to admit a murderer whose hands were still red with the blood of a brother. After a brief stay at Lhasa, Galdan determined to return to his own people, and to risk the revenge or justice that might await him for having slain his brother. But on his arrival he was pleasantly surprised to find that his absence had cast his crime into oblivion, and that such was the reputation of the Dalai Lama that the mere fact of his having lived in his presence sufficed to expiate his offence. There is no doubt that Galdan and the Dalai Lama established a close political alliance, for the latter induced the Eleuth chief to take up the cause of a particular prince in Kashgaria, and to place him in possession of that country. This was after Galdan had asserted his supreme authority over the Eleuths by massacring all the members of his family whom he thought he had any reason for deeming his enemies. After this extreme step the Eleuths recognised the supremacy of Galdan without further demur. One of Galdan's first steps after the recognition of his authority was to send a mission to the Chinese court, nominally of congratulation, but really of enquiry. It arrived when the rebellion of Wou Sankwei was in progress, and when the resources of the Emperor seemed over-taxed. There is nothing unlikely in Galdan's envoys having brought him back word that Kanghi was scarcely able to hold his own in China, and that there was no danger from this quarter. He had been meditating over the two policies, of being the friend and ally of China, or of being its foe; and this mission had the effect of determining him to take the final and irrevocable step of declaring war on China, and of endeavouring to reassert the natural privilege of a desert chief to harry the borders of the great Chinese Empire.

Having once decided upon his course, Galdan lost no time in putting his army in the field. He determined that the easiest and most advantageous beginning for his enterprise would be to attack his neighbours the