had she been left to herself, she might have taught her son much good which she herself had received, yet her instruction was continually marred by the doggedness of her husband, who, by this time, had imbibed all the bitterness and prejudice of sectarianism.

How clearly do these facts-which are but a literal description of what is taking place all over England-prove the necessity of an authoritative system of education on Church-principles, in order to save the rising generation from ignorant, unprincipled masters, and careless, uninstructed parents. Surely it is time for all earnest-minded Christians to offer up their daily prayers, and at the same time use their most strenuous exertions, that the great effort now made by the Church, through her diocesan boards, to remedy the utterly inadequate system of education which is prevalent, and to train fit masters for our schools, may be brought to a successful issue. The Church comes forward, and acknowledges her duty to afford religious instruction to all her children. She confesses that she has received a commission, not only to "feed the sheep,” but also the "lambs" of Christ's fold. Hitherto she has not effected so much as she could desire; now she is anxious to extend her instruction to all to whom her divine commission extends. But in acknowledging her duty, she calls on her wealthier members to furnish her with the means of performing it, and she invites all classes to co-operate with

her in her endeavours. Her first object is to afford a due supply of masters, who shall be able to communicate a sound religious education, as "being found meet, as well for learning and dexterity in teaching, as for sober and honest conversation, and also for right understanding of God's true religion." Her next object is, to supply schools wheresoever they are needed; so that, as there is a church in every parish, where men may hear the word of God and receive the sacraments, so there may be schools where every Churchman may send his children, with a good assurance that they will be brought up in sound religious principles. Such is the good work in which the Church now calls for the co-operation of all her members.

2 See the seventy-seventh canon.

CHAPTER VI.

State of Affairs at Laxington during our Hero's Minority.

The homely beauty of the good old cause
Is gone; our peace, our fearful innocence,
And pure religion breathing household laws.

England is a fen

Of stagnant waters : altar, sword and pen,
Fireside, the heroic wealth of hall and bower,
Have forfeited their ancient English dower
Of happiness. We are selfish men:

O raise us up, and come to us again,

And give us manners, virtue, freedom, power.

WORDSWORTH.

FEW changes in recent times, not even the Reform in Parliament itself, have been productive of more important moral results, as regards the middle and poorer classes in our towns, than the Municipal Act. The English are, or rather were, a people naturally much given to regard those in authority over them. Though liable to fits of waywardness and insubordination, yet their general character has been a loyal submission to the powers that be. The Municipal Reform Act introduced into most of our English corporate towns an entire change in the administrators of local government. In Laxington, as in most other places, the former corporation consisted of old-fashioned Church-and-King men, who were uniformly chosen

from amongst the most respectable people in the town. No doubt they had their faults—who is without them? Still, on the whole, the influence which they exercised was good. The people saw men in office who held loyal and religious principles; men who went to church and honoured the Kingmen of character, respectability, and consistency. It very rarely happened that a member of the corporation was guilty of any crime, or great misdemeanor. Whatever faults they had were quite of a different character. And even these were fast giving way before the force of public opinion. The old corporations were becoming alive to the value of modern improvements; and a very slight alteration in their constitution would have made them quite as efficient for local government and improvement as any which are likely to succeed them, and in many respects infinitely more so; for they carried with them the good feeling of all the best inhabitants of the place, amongst whom they and their forefathers had been well known as honest men for many generations.

Instead of these old Church-and-King men, who united with their regard for the laws a due proportion of English independence, a set of persons of entirely different habits and feelings were now brought into power. They were chiefly men who had made themselves conspicuous as noisy agitators; many of them dissenters; some of no religion whatever; almost all persons of no consideration; new settlers in

the town, who might be gone to-morrow; speculators, who might be rich one day and bankrupts the next; men with no hold on the present affections or past recollections of the community over whom they were placed their sole support being the power which they exercised, by force or flattery, over the votes of the lower sort of electors. What was the consequence of this change? Why, that all the old hereditary respect for authority was annihilated; the moral influence of good principle and respectability, coupled with office, was taken away. Men saw the influence of office lodged in improper hands, and exerted to promote the worst principles; and they learned to despise and dislike the office, on account of the unworthiness of those who filled it.

Nor was this the only, nor perhaps the principal mischief. There was another most pernicious consequence, of which Laxington will furnish no bad example. The municipal constituency of Laxington consisted of between six and seven hundred voters; perhaps there might be about three hundred conservatives and three hundred liberals; and the victory in each election depended on the votes of thirty or forty of the most unprincipled and ill-conditioned voters in the town. Whichever party could intimidate, or cajole, or bribe the greater number of these electors, was sure of the victory. It need not be stated, therefore, to which side the victory generally inclined. The system was mischievous enough, and productive of abundant evil, when limited to the