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worms my secret out of me,-and then not a society for punishing people who betrays me to the magistrate. Now, all have been found to transgress the law, these evils may be tolerated in a small but for accusing persons of transgressing degree, while, in a greater degree, they the law; and that before trial, the would be perfectly intolerable. Thirty accused person is to be considered as or forty informers roaming about the innocent, and is to have every fair metropolis, may frighten the mass of chance of establishing his innocence. offenders a little, and do some good: He must be no common defendant. ten thousand informers would either however, who does not contend against create an insurrection, or totally de- such a society with very fearful odds; stroy the confidence and cheerfulness of - the best counsel engaged for his private life. Whatever may be said, opponents,-great practice in the partherefore, of the single and insulated ticular court and particular species of informer, it is quite a new question cause, - witnesses thoroughly hackwhen we come to a corporation of in-neyed in a court of justice, and an formers supported by large contribu- unlimited command of money. It by tions. The one may be a good, the no means follows, that the legislature, other a very serious evil; the one legal in allowing individuals to be informers, the other wholly out of the contempla-meant to subject the accused person tion of law, which often, and very wisely, allows individuals to do, what it forbids to many individuals assembled.

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If once combination is allowed for the suppression of vice, where are its limits to be? Its capital may as well consist of 100,000l. per annum, as of a thousand its numbers may increase from a thousand subscribers, which this society, it seems, had reached in its second year, to twenty thousand and in that case, what accused person of an inferior condition of life would have the temerity to stand against such a society? Their mandates would very soon be law; and there is no compliance into which they might not frighten the common people, and the lower orders of tradesmen. The idea of a society of gentlemen, calling themselves an Association for the Suppression of Vice, would alarm any small offender, to a degree that would make him prefer any submission to any resistance. He would consider the very fact of being accused by them as almost sufficient to ruin him.

to the superior weight and power of
such societies. The very influence of
names must have a considerable weight
with the jury. Lord Dartmouth, Lord
Radstock, and the Bishop of Durham,
versus a Whitechapel butcher or a
publican! Is this a fair contest before
a jury? It is not so even in London;
and what must it be in the country,
where a society for the suppression of
vice may consist of all the principal
persons in the neighbourhood? These
societies are now established in York,
in Reading, and in many other large
towns. Wherever this is the case, it
is far from improbable that the same
persons at the Quarter or Town
Sessions, may be both judges and
accusers; and still more fatally so, if
the offence is tried by a special jury.
This is already most notoriously the
case in societies for the preservation
of game. They prosecute a poacher;
-the jury is special; and the poor
wretch is found guilty by the very same
persons who have accused him.

If it be lawful for respectable men to combine for the purpose of turning An individual accuser accuses at informers, it is lawful for the lowest his own expense; and the risk he runs and most despicable race of informers, is a good security that the subject will to do the same thing; and then it is not be harassed by needless accusa- quite clear that every species of wickedtions, a security which, of course, he ness and extortion would be the consecannot have against such a society as quence. We are rather surprised that this, to whom pecuniary loss is an no society of perjured attorneys and object of such little consequence. It fraudulent bankrupts has risen up in must never be forgotten, that this is this metropolis for the suppression of

vice. A chairman, deputy-chairman, [aid of law and government. At this subscriptions, and an annual sermon, rate, there should be a society in aid would give great dignity to their proceedings; and they would soon begin to take some rank in the world.

of the government, for procuring intelligence from foreign parts, with accredited agents all over Europe. There should be a voluntary transport board, and a gratuitous victualling office. There should be a duplicate, in short, of every department of the State,-the one appointed by the King, and the other by itself. There should be a real Lord Glenbervie in the woods and forests,— and with him a monster, a voluntary Lord Glenbervie, serving without pay, and guiding gratis, with secret counsel, the axe of his prototype. If it be asked, who are the constituted authorities who are legally appointed to watch over morals, and whose functions the Society usurp ? our answer is, that there are in England about 12,000 clergy, not unhandsomely paid for persuading the people, and about 4000 justices, 30 grand juries, and 40,000 constables, whose duty and whose inclination it is to compel them to do right. Under such circumstances, a voluntary moral society does indeed seem to be the purest result of volition; for there certainly is not the smallest particle of necessity mingled with its existence.

It is true that it is the duty of grand juries to inform against vice; but the law knows the probable number of grand jarymen, the times of their meeting, and the description of persons of whom they consist. Óf voluntary societies it can know nothing,- their numbers, their wealth, or the character of their members. It may therefore trust to a grand jury what it would by no means trust to an unknown combination. A vast distinction is to be made, too, between official duties and voluntary daties. The first are commonly carred on with calinness and moderation; the latter often characterised, in their execution, by rash and intemperate zeal. The present Society receives no members but those who are of the Church of England. As we are now arguing the question generally, we have a right to make any supposition. It is equally free, therefore, upon general principles, for a society of sectarians to combine and exclude members of the Church of England; and the suppression of vice may thus come in aid of Methodism, Jacobinism, or of any set of principles, It is hardly possible that a society for however perilous, either to Church or the suppression of vice can ever be kept State. The present Society may perhaps within the bounds of good sense and consist of persons whose sentiments on moderation. If there are many memthese points are rational and respect-bers who have really become so from a able. Combinations, however, of this feeling of duty, there will necessarily sort may give birth to something far be some who enter the Society to hide different; and such a supposition is the a bad character, and others whose object fair way of trying the question. it is to recommend themselves to their We doubt if there be not some mis- betters by a sedulous and bustling inchief in averting the fears and hopes quisition into the immoralities of the of the people from the known and public. The loudest and noisiest supconstituted authorities of the country to pressors will always carry it against the those self-created powers;-a Society more prudent part of the community; that punishes in the Strand, another the most violent will be considered as which rewards at Lloyd's Coffee-house! the most moral; and those who see the If these things get to any great height, absurdity will, from the fear of being they throw an air of insignificance over thought to encourage vice, be reluctant, those branches of the government to to oppose it. whom these cares properly devolve, and It is of great importance to keep whose authority is by these means as-public opinion on the side of virtue. sisted, till it is superseded. It is sup- To their authorised and legal correctors, posed that a project must necessarily be mankind are, on common occasions, good, because it is intended for the ready enough to submit; but there is

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something in the self-erection of a vo- | incur a great risk of giving birth to a luntary magistracy which creates so totally opposite sentiment. much disgust that it almost renders The violent modes of making men vice popular, and puts the offence at a good, just alluded to, have been repremium. We have no doubt but sorted to at periods when the science of that the immediate effect of a volun- legislation was not so well understood tary combination for the suppression as it now is; or when the manners of of vice, is an involuntary combination the age have been peculiarly gloomy or in favour of the vices to be suppressed; fanatical. The improved knowledge, and this is a very serious drawback and the improved temper of later from any good of which such societies times, push such laws into the back may be the occasion; for the state of ground, and silently repeal them. A morals, at any one period, depends Suppressing Society, hunting everymuch more upon opinion than law; where for penalty and information, and to bring odious and disgusting has a direct tendency to revive ancient auxiliaries to the aid of virtue, is to ignorance and fanaticism,—and to redo the utmost possible good to the enact laws which, if ever they ought cause of vice. We regret that mankind to have existed at all, were certainly are as they are; and we sincerely wish calculated for a very different style that the species at large were as of manners, and a very different degree completely devoid of every vice and of information. To compel men to infirmity as the President, Vice-Presi- go to church under a penalty appears dent, and Committee of the Suppressing to us to be absolutely absurd. Society; but, till they are thus regene-bitterest enemy of religion will necesrated, it is of the greatest consequence sarily be that person who is driven to a to teach them virtue and religion in a compliance with its outward ceremonies, manner which will not make them hate by informers and justices of the peace. both the one and the other. The greatest In the same manner, any constable who delicacy is required in the application hears another swear an oath has a right of violence to moral and religious sen- to seize him, and carry him before a timent. We forget, that the object is, magistrate, where he is to be fined so not to produce the outward compliance, much for each execration. It is imposbut to raise up the inward feeling, sible to carry such laws into execution; which secures the outward compliance. and it is lucky that it is impossible,— You may drag men into church by for their execution would create an main force, and prosecute them for infinitely greater evil than it attempted buying a pot of beer,-and cut them to remedy. The common sense, and off from the enjoyment of a leg of common feeling of mankind, if left to mutton; and you may do all this, themselves, would silently repeal such till you make the common people hate laws; and it is one of the evils of these Sunday, and the clergy, and religion, societies, that they render absurdity and everything which relates to such eternal, and ignorance indestructible. subjects. There are many crimes, Do not let us be misunderstood: upon indeed, where persuasion cannot be the object to be accomplished, there waited for, and where the untaught can be but one opinion;-it is only feelings of all men go along with the upon the means employed, that there violence of the law. A robber and a can be the slightest difference of sentimurderer must be knocked on the head ment. To go to church is a duty of like mad dogs; but we have no great the greatest possible importance; and opinion of the possibility of indicting on the blasphemy and vulgarity of men into piety, or of calling in the swearing, there can be but one opinion. Quarter Sessions to the aid of religion. But such duties are not the objects of You may produce outward conformity legislation; they must be left to the by these means; but you are so far general state of public sentiment; which from producing (the only thing worth sentiment must be influenced by exproducing) the inward feeling, that you ample, by the exertions of the pulpit and

the press, and, above all, by education. The fear of God can never be taught by constables, nor the pleasures of religion be learnt from a common informer.

ought) make that signature an indispensable condition.

Nothing has disgusted us so much in the proceedings of this Society, as the control which they exercise over the amusements of the poor. One of the specious titles under which this legal meanness is gratified is, Prevention of Cruelty to Animals.

Of cruelty to animals, let the reader take the following specimens:

Running an iron hook in the intes tines of an animal; presenting this first animal to another as his food; and then pulling this second creature up and suspending him by the barb in his stomach.

Riding a horse till he drops, in order to see an innocent animal torn to pieces by dogs.

Keeping a poor animal upright for many weeks, to communicate a peculiar hardness to his flesh.

Making deep incisions into the flesh of another animal while living, in order to make the muscles more firm.

Immersing another animal, while living, in hot water.

Beginning with the best intentions in the world, such societies must in all probability degenerate into a receptacle for every species of tittle-tattle, impertinence, and malice. Men whose trade is rat-catching, love to catch rats; the bug-destroyer seizes on his bug with delight; and the suppressor is gratified by finding his vice. The last soon becomes a mere tradesman like the others; none of them moralise, or lament that their respective evils should exist in the world. The public feeling is swallowed up in the pursuit of a daily occupation, and in the display of a technical skill. Here, then, is a society of men, who invite accusation, -who receive it (almost unknown to themselves) with pleasure,-and who, if they hate dulness and inoccupation, can have very little pleasure in the innocence of their fellow-creatures. The natural consequence of all this is, that (besides that portion of rumour which every member contributes at the weekly Now we do fairly admit, that such meeting) their table must be covered abominable cruelties as these are worthy with anonymous lies against the cha- the interference of the law: and that racters of individuals. Every servant the Society should have punished them, discharged from his master's service, cannot be matter of surprise to any -every villain who hates the man feeling mind. But stop, gentle reader! he has injured,-every cowardly as- these cruelties are the cruelties of the sassin of character,-now knows where Suppressing Committee, not of the poor. bis accusations will be received, and You must not think of punishing these. where they cannot fail to produce-The first of these cruelties passes some portion of the mischievous effects which he wishes. The very first step of such a Society should be, to declare, in the plainest manner, that they would never receive any anony-served trout streams in England. - The mous accusation. This would be the only security to the public, that they were not degrading themselves into a receptacle for malice and falsehood. Such a declaration would inspire some species of confidence; and make us believe that their object was neither the love of power, nor the gratification of uncharitable feelings. The Society for the Suppression, however, have done no such thing. They request, indeed, the signature of the informers whom they invite; but they do not (as they

under the pretty name of angling;— and therefore there can be no harm in it-the more particularly as the President himself has one of the best pre

next is hunting;-and as many of the Vice-Presidents and of the Committee hunt, it is not possible there can be any cruelty in hunting. The next is, a

"How reasonable creatures," says the Society, "can enjoy a pastime which is the cause of such sufferings to brute animals, or how they can consider themselves entitled, for their own amusement, to stimulate those animals, by means of the antipathies which Providence has thought proper to place between them, to worry and tear, and often to destroy each other, it is difficult to conceive. So inhuman practice, by a retribution peculiarly just

who is a Master of Arts in some of curates, and willing to do it for less English university, than if all that we than the statutory minimum. knew about him was, that he had a fifth of the profits of the living. The object is, to fix a good clergyman in a parish. The law will not trust the non-resident rector to fix both the price and the person; but fixes the price, and then leaves him the choice of the person. Our plan is, to fix upon the description of person, and then to leave the price to find its level; for the good price by no means implies a good person, but the good person will be sure to get a good price.

Where the living will admit of it, we have commonly observed that the English clergy are desirous of putting in a proper substitute. If this be so, the bill is unnecessary; for it proceeds on the very contrary supposition, that the great mass of opulent clergy consult nothing but economy in the choice of their curates.

It is very galling and irksome to any class of men to be compelled to disclose their private circumstances; a provision contained in and absolutely necessary to this bill, under which the diocesan can always compel the minister to disclose the full value of his living.

After all, however, the main and conclusive objection to the bill is, that its provisions are drawn from such erroneous principles, and betray such gross ignorance of human nature, that though it would infallibly produce a thousand mischiefs foreseen and not foreseen, it would evidently have no effect whatsoever in raising the salaries of curates. We do not put this as a case of common buyer and seller; we allow that the parish is a third party, having an interest; we fully admit the right of the Legislature to interfere for their relief. We only contend, that such interference would be necessarily altogether ineffectual, so long as men can be found capable of doing the duty

We remember Horace's description of the misery of a parish where there is no resident clergyman.

"Illacrymabiles

Urgentur, ignotique longa Nocte, carent quia vate sacro."

If there be a competition of rectors for curates, it is quite unnecessary and absurd to make laws in favour of curates. The demand for them will do their business more effectually than the law. If, on the contrary (as the fact plainly is), there is a competition of curates for employment, is it possible to prevent this order of men from labouring under the regulation price? Is it possible to prevent a curate from pledging himself to his rector, that he will accept only half the legal salary, if he is so fortunate as to be preferred among an host of rivals, who are willing to engage on the same terms? You may make these contracts illegal : What then? Men laugh at such prohibitions; and they always become a dead letter. In nine instances out of ten, the contract would be honourably adhered to; and then what is the use of Mr. Percival's law? Where the contract was not adhered to, whom would the law benefit?-A man utterly devoid of every particle of honour and good faith. And this is the new species of curate, who is to reflect dignity and importance upon his poorer brethren! The law encourages breach of faith between gambler and gambler; it arms broker against broker:—but it cannot arm clergyman against clergyman. Did any human being before, ever think of disseminating such a principle among the teachers of Christianity? Did any ecclesiastical law, before this, ever depend for its success upon the mutual treachery of men who ought to be examples to their fellowcreatures of everything that is just and upright?

We have said enough already upon the absurdity of punishing all rich rectors for non-residence, as for a presumptive delinquency. A law is already passed, fixing what shall be legal and sufficient causes for non-residence. Nothing can be more unjust, then, than to punish that absence which you admit to be legal. If the causes of absence are too numerous, lessen them; but do not punish him who has availed himself of their existence. We deny,

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