2. A Letter to Viscount Milton, M.P. By One of his Constituents. London. Ridgway. 1827.

3. Charge by the Archbishop of Cashel.

Dublin. Milliken.

the body in a silken petticoat — and Lord; but you have sold your honour men may call you Mr. Dean, or My and your conscience for money; and, though better paid, you are as base as the witness who stands at the door of the judgment-hall, to swear whatever the suborner will put into his mouth, and to receive whatever he will put in his pocket.*

its walls a more honest, upright man.

When soldiers exercise, there stands a goodly portly person out of the ranks, upon whom all eyes are directed, and If a poor man were to accept a guinea whose signs and motions, in the perupon the condition that he spoke all formance of the manual exercise, all the evil he could of another whom he the soldiers follow. The Germans, we believed to be innocent, and whose believe, call him a Flugelman. We proimprisonment he knew he should pro- pose Lord Nugent as a political flagel long, and whose privations he knew man;-he is always consistent, plain, he should increase by his false testi- and honest, steadily and straightly mony, would not the person so hired pursuing his object without hope or be one of the worst and basest of human fear, under the influence of good feelbeings? And would not his guilt beings and high principle. The House aggravated, if, up to the moment of of Commons does not contain within receiving his aceldama, he had spoken in terms of high praise of the person whom he subsequently accused? Would not the latter feature of the case prove him to be as much without shame as the former evinced him to be without principle? Would the guilt be less, if the person so hired were a man of education? Would it be less, if he were above want? Would it be less, if the profession and occupation of his life were to decide men's rights. or to teach them morals and religion? Would it be less by the splendour of the bribe? Does a bribe of 3000l. leave a man innocent, whom a bribe of 30l. would cover with infamy? You are of a mature period of life, when the opinions of an honest man ought to be, and are fixed. On Monday you were a barrister or a country clergyman, a serious and temperate friend to religious liberty and Catholic emancipation. In a few weeks from this time you are a bishop, or a dean, or a judge -publishing and speaking charges and sermons against the poor Catholics, and explaining away this sale of that all who were for the Catholics, and are It is very far from our intention to say your soul by every species of falsehood, now against them, have made this chase shabbiness, and equivocation. You from base motives; it is equally far from may carry a bit of ermine on your both professions have subjected themselves our intention not to say that many men of shoulder, or hide the lower moiety of to this shocking imputation.

We seize upon the opportunity which this able pamphlet of his Lordships affords us, to renew our attention to the Catholic question. There is little new to be said; but we must not be silent, or, in these days of baseness and tergiversation, we shall be sup posed to have deserted our friend the Pope; and they will say of us, Prostant venales apud Lambeth et Whitehall, God forbid it should ever be said of us with justice-it is pleasant to loll and roll, and to accumulate-to be a pur ple and fine linen man, and to be called by some of those nicknames which fral and ephemeral beings are so fond of accumulating upon each other;-but the best thing of all is to live like honest men, and to add something to the cause of liberality, justice, and truth.

The Letter to Lord Milton is very well and very pleasantly written. We are delighted with the liberality and candour of the Archbishop of Cashel

The charge is in the highest degree this fine place in danger-the venison ereditable to him. He must lay his the pictures-the pheasants-the celaccount for the furious hatred of bigots, lars the hot-house and the grapery? and the incessant gnawing of rats. Should you like to see six or seven There are many men who (tho-thousand French or Americans landed roughly aware that the Catholic ques- in Ireland, and aided by a universal tion must be ultimately carried) delay insurrection of the Catholics? Is it their acquiescence till the last moment, worth your while to run the risk of and wait till the moment of peril and their success? What evil from the civil war before they yield. That this possible encroachment of Catholics, by moment is not quite so remote as was civil exertions, can equal the danger of supposed a twelvemonth since, the such a position as this? How can a events now passing in the world seem man of your carriages, and horses, and to afford the strongest proof. The hounds, think of putting your high truth is, that the disaffected state of fortune in such a predicament, and Ireland is a standing premium for war crying out, like a schoolboy or a chapwith every cabinet in Europe which lain, Oh, we shall beat them! we has the most distant intention of quar-shall put the rascals down!' No Porelling with this country for any other pery, I admit to your Lordship, is a cause. "If we are to go to war, let us very convenient cry at an election, and do so when the discontents of Ireland has answered your end; but do not are at their greatest height, before any push the matter too far: to bring on spirit of concession has been shown by a civil war, for No Popery, is a very the British Cabinet." Does any man foolish proceeding in a man who has imagine that so plain and obvious a two courses and a remove! As you principle has not been repeatedly urged value your side-board of plate, your on the French Cabinet ?-that the eyes broad riband, your pier glasses - if of the Americans are shut upon the obsequious domestics and large rooms state of Ireland-and that that great are dear to you-if you love ease and and ambitious Republic will not, in flattery, titles and coats of arms- - if case of war, aim a deadly blow at this the labour of the French cook, the most sensitive part of the British em- dedication of the expecting poet, can pire? We should really say, that move you-if you hope for a long life England has fully as much to fear of side-dishes-if you are not insenfrom Irish fraternisation with America sible to the periodical arrival of the as with France. The language is the turtle fleets-emancipate the Cathosame; the Americans have preceded lics! Do it for your ease, do it for them in the struggle; the number of your indolence, do it for your safetyemigrant and rebel Irish is very great emancipate and eat, emancipate and in America; and all parties are sure drink-emancipate, and preserve the of perfect toleration under the protec-rent-roll and the family estate !" tion of America. We are astonished The most common excuse of the at the madness and folly of English- Great Shabby is, that the Catholics are men, who do not perceive that both their own enemies that the violence France and America are only waiting of Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Shiel have for a convenient opportunity to go to ruined their cause — that, but for these war with this country; and that one boisterous courses, the question would of the first blows aimed at our inde- have been carried before this time. pendence would be the invasion of The answer to this nonsense and baseIreland. ness is, that the very reverse is the fact. We should like to argue this matter The mild and the long-suffering may with a regular Tory Lord, whose mem-suffer for ever in this world. If the bers vote steadily against the Catholic Catholics had stood with their hands question. "I wonder that mere fear before them simpering at the Earls of does not make you give up the Catho- Liverpool and the Lords Bathurst of lic question! Do you mean to put the moment, they would not have been

emancipated till the year of our Lord | Church of Ireland, says our alarmist. four thousand. As long as the patient Why do you care so much for the will suffer, the cruel will kick. No trea- Church of Ireland, a country you son-no rebellion-but as much stub- never live in ?— Answer-I do not bornness and stoutness as the law per- care so much for the Church of Ireland, mits - a thorough intimation that you if I was sure the Church of England know what is your due, and that you would not be destroyed.—And is it for are determined to have it if you can the Church of England alone that you lawfully get it. This is the conduct we fear? Answer - Not quite to that. recommend to the Irish. If they go on But I am afraid we should all be lost, withholding, and forbearing, and hesi- that everything would be overturned, tating whether this is the time for the and that I should lose my rank and my discussion or that is the time, they will estate. Here then, we say, is a long be laughed at for another century as series of dangers, which (if there were fools and kicked for another century any chance of their ever taking place) as slaves. "I must have my bill paid would require half a century for their (says the sturdy and irritated trades- development; and the danger of losing man); your master has put me off Ireland by insurrection and invasion, twenty times under different pretences. which may happen in six months, is ut I know he is at home, and I will not terly overlooked, and forgotten. And if quit the premises till I get the money." a foreign influence should ever be fairly Many a tradesman gets paid in this established in Ireland, how many hours manner, who would soon smirk and would the Irish Church, how many smile himself into the Gazette, if he months would the English Church, trusted to the promises of the great. live after such an event! How much is any English title worth after such an event any English family-any English estate? We are astonished that the brains of rich Englishmen do not fall down into their bellies in talking of the Catholic question-that they do not reason through the cardia and the pylorus-that all the organs of digestion do not become intellectual. The descendants of the proudest noblemen in England may become beggars in a foreign land from this disgraceful nonsense of the Catholic question-fit only for the ancient females of a market town.

Can anything be so utterly childish and foolish as to talk of the bad taste of the Catholic leaders ?-as if, in a question of conferring on, or withholding important civil rights from seven millions of human beings, anything could arrest the attention of a wise man but the good or evil consequences of so great a measure. Suppose Mr. S. does smell slightly of tobacco-admit Mr. L. to be occasionally stimulated by rum and water-allow that Mr. F. was unfeeling in speaking of the Duke of York-what has all this nonsense to do with the extinction of religious hatred and the pacification of Ireland? Give it if it is right, refuse it if it is wrong. How it is asked, or how it is given or refused,

are less than the dust of the balance.

What alarms us in the state of England is the uncertain basis on which its prosperity is placed-and the prodigious mass of hatred which the What is the real reason why a good English government continues, by its honest Tory, living at ease on his obstinate bigotry, to accumulate-eight possessions, is an enemy to Catholic hundred and forty millions sterling of Emancipation? He admits the Catho- debt. The revenue depending upon lic of his own rank to be a gentleman, the demand for the shoes, stockings, and not a bad subject and about and breeches of Europe and seven theological disputes an excellent Tory millions of Catholics in a state of the never troubles his head. Of what im- greatest fury and exasperation. We portance is it to him whether an Irish persecute as if we did not owe a shil Catholic or an Irish Protestant is a ling. - we spend as if we had no disJudge in the King's Bench at Dub-affection. This, by possibility, may go lin? None; but I am afraid for the on; but it is dangerous walking-the

chance is, there will be a fall. No wise | the National Gooseberry and Currant man should take such a course. All Company; will all be remembered as probabilities are against it. We are instances of that partial madness to astonished that Lord Hertford and Lord Lowther, shrewd and calculating Tories, do not see that it is nine to one against such a game.

which society is occasionally exposed. What will be said of all the intolerable trash which is issued forth at public meetings of No Popery? The follies It is not only the event of war of one century are scarcely credible we fear in the military struggle with in that which succeeds it. A grandIreland; but the expense of war, and mamma of 1827 is as wise as a very the expenses of the English govern- wise man of 1727. If the world lasts ment, are paving the way for future till 1927, the grandmammas of that revolutions. The world never yet saw period will be far wiser than the tipso extravagant a government as the top No Popery men of this day. That Government of England. Not only is this childish nonsense will have got economy not practised - but it is des- out of the drawing-room, there can be pised; and the idea of it connected with no doubt. It will most probably have disaffection, Jacobinism, and Joseph passed through the steward's room, Hame. Every rock in the ocean where and butler's pantry, into the kitchen. a cormorant can perch is occupied by This is the case with ghosts. They no our troops has a governor, deputy- longer loll on couches and sip tea; governor, storekeeper, and deputy- but are down on their knees scrubbing storekeeper and will soon have an with the scullion -or stand sweating, archdeacon and a bishop. Military and basting with the cook. colleges, with thirty-four professors, Abigail turns up her nose at them, educating seventeen ensigns per an- and the housekeeper declares for flesh num, being half an ensign for each and blood, and will have none of their professor, with every species of non-company.

Mrs.

sense, athletic, sartorial, and plumige- It is delicious to the persecutionrous. A just and necessary war costs fanciers to reflect that no general bill this country about one hundred pounds has passed in favour of the Protestant a minute; whipcord fifteen thousand Dissenters. They are still disqualified pounds; red tape seven thousand from holding any office-and are only pounds; lace for drummers and fifers, protected from prosecution by an annineteen thousand pounds; a pension nual indemnity act. So that the sword to one man who has broken his head of Damocles still hangs over themat the Pole; to another who has shat- not suspended indeed by a thread, but tered his leg at the Equator; subsidies by a cart-rope-still it hangs there an to Persia; secret service-money to insult, if not an injury, and prevents the Thibet; an annuity to Lady Henry painful idea from presenting itself to Somebody and her seven daughters the mind of perfect toleration, and pure the husband being shot at some place justice. There is the larva of tyranny, where we never ought to have had any and the skeleton of malice. Now soldiers at all; and the elder brother this is all we presume to ask for the returning four members to Parliament. Catholics - admission to Parliament, Such a scene of extravagance, corrup- exclusion from every possible office by tion, and expense as must paralyse the law, an annual indemnity for the breach industry, and mar the fortunes, of the of law. This is surely much more most industrious, spirited people that agreeable to feebleness, to littleness, and to narrowness, than to say, the Catholics are as free, and as eligible, as ourselves.

ever existed.

The most intolerable circumstance

Few men consider the historical view which will be taken of The bubbles of last year; the fishing present events. for half-crowns in Vigo Bay; the Milk of the Catholic dispute is, the conduct Muffin and Crumpet Companies; the of the Dissenters. Any man may disApple, Pear, and Plum Associations; sent from the Church of England, and

It is argued, that, among the various | mation to truth? Can anything be pleas for mercy that are offered, no more preposterous than this preference prisoner has ever urged to the Secre- of taste to justice, and of solemnity to tary of State the disadvantage of hav- truth? What an eulogium of a trial ing no counsel to plead for him; but to say, "I am by no means satisfied a prisoner who dislikes to undergo his that the Jury were right in finding the sentence naturally addresses to those prisoner guilty; but everything was who can reverse it such arguments only carried on with the utmost decorum! as will produce, in the opinion of the The verdict was wrong; but there was referee, a pleasing effect. He does the most perfect propriety and order not therefore find fault with the es- in the proceedings. The man will be tablished system of jurisprudence, but unfairly hanged; but all was genteel!" brings forward facts and arguments to If solemnity is what is principally prove his own innocence. Besides, wanted in a court of justice, we had how few people there are who can better study the manners of the old elevate themselves from the acquies-Spanish Inquisition; but if battles cence in what is, to the consideration with the Judge, and battles among the of what ought to be; and if they could do so, the way to get rid of a punishment is not (as we have just observed) to say, "You have no right to punish me in this manner," but to say, "I am innocent of the offence." The fraudulent baker at Constantinople, who is about to be baked to death in his own oven, does not complain of the severity of baking bakers, but promises to use more flour and less fraud.

Whence comes it (we should like to ask Sir John Singleton Copley, who seems to dread so much the conflicts of talent in criminal cases) that a method of getting at truth which is found so serviceable in civil cases should be so much objected to in criminal cases ? Would you have all this wrangling and bickering, it is asked, and contentious eloquence, when the life of a man is concerned? Why not, as well as when his property is concerned? It is either a good means of doing justice, or it is not, that two understandings should be put in opposition to each other, and that a third should decide between them. Does this open every view which can bear upon the question? Does it in the most effectual manner watch the Judge, detect perjury, and sift evidence? If not, why is it suffered to disgrace our civil institutions? If it effect all these objects, why is it not incorporated into our criminal law? Of what importance is a little disgust at professional tricks, if the solid advantage gained be a nearer approxi

counsel, are the best method, as they certainly are, of getting at the truth, better tolerate this philosophical Bil lingsgate, than persevere, because the life of a man is at stake, in solemn and polished injustice.

Why should it not be just as wise and equitable to leave the defendant without counsel in civil cases - and to tell him that the Judge was his counsel? And if the reply is to produce such injurious effects as are anticipated upon the minds of the Jury in criminal cases, why not in civil cases also? In twenty-eight cases out of thirty, the verdict in civil cases is correct; in the two remaining cases, the error may proceed from other causes than the right of reply; and yet the right of reply has existed in all. In a vast majority of cases, the verdict is for the plaintiff, not because there is a right of reply, but because he who has it in his power to decide whether he will go to law or not, and resolves to expose himself to the expense and trouble of a lawsuit, has probably a good foundation for his claim. Nobody, of course, can intend to say that the majority of verdicts in favour of plaintiffs are against justice, and merely attributable to the advantage of a last speech. If this were the case, the sooner advocates are turned out of court the better- and then the improvement of both civil and criminal law would be an abolition of all speeches; for those who dread the effect of the last word upon the fate of