such emolument-by every endeavour that has for its object the persuading the people to place their fate at the disposal of any other agents than those in whose hands breach of trust is certain, due fulfilment of it morally and physically impossible-social order is said to be endangered, and threatened to be destroyed."-(p. 234.)

In the same way Establishment is a establishments, by charging those who word in use to protect the bad parts of

wish to subvert all good establishments. wish to remove or alter them, with a

Mischievous fallacies also circulate

prattle which the magpie in office, who, understanding nothing, yet understands that he must have something to say on every subject, shouts out among his auditors as a succedaneum to thought."-(pp. 203, 204) Vague Generalities.-Vague generalities comprehend a numerous class of fallacies resorted to by those who, in preference to the determinate expressions which they might use, adopt others more vague and indeterminate. Take, for instance, the terms, government, laws, morals, religion. Everybody will admit that there are in the world bad governments, bad laws, bad from the convertible use of what Mr. morals, and bad religions. The bare B. is pleased to call dyslogistic and eucircumstance, therefore, of being enga logistic terms. Thus a vast concern is ged in exposing the defects of govern- and the utmost abhorrence for its licenexpressed for the liberty of the press, ment, law, morals, and religion, does not of itself afford the slightest pretiousness: but then, by the licentioussumption that a writer is engaged in ness of the press is meant every dis anything blamable. If his attack be closure by which any abuse is brought only directed against that which is bad to light and exposed to shame-by the in each, his efforts may be productive cations from which no such inconveni liberty of the press is meant only publiof good to any extent. This essential distinction, however, the defender of ence is to be apprehended; and the abuses uniformly takes care to keep out fallacy consists in employing the sham of sight; and boldly imputes to his approbation of liberty as a mask for antagonists an intention to subvert all the real opposition to all free discussion. government, law, morals, and religion. To write a pamphlet so ill that nobody Propose anything with a view to the will read it; to animadvert in terms so improvement of the existing practice, weak and insipid upon great evils, that in relation to law, government, and re-no disgust is excited at the vice, and no ligion, he will treat you with an oration apprehension in the evil doer, is a fair upon the necessity and utility of law, government, and religion. Among the several cloudy appellatives which have been commonly employed as cloaks for misgovernment, there is none more conspicuous in this atmosphere of illusion than the word order. As often as any measure is brought forward which has for its object to lessen the sacrifice made by the many to the few, social order is the phrase commonly opposed to its progress.

"By a defalcation made from any part of

the mass of factitious delay, vexation, and expense, out of which, and in proportion to

which, lawyers' profit is made to flow-by

any defalcation made from the mass of needless and worse than useless emolument to office, with or without service or pretence of service-by any addition endeavoured to be made to the quantity, or improvement in the quality of service rendered, or time bestowed in service rendered in return for

use of the liberty of the press, and is not only pardoned by the friends of government, but draws from them the most fervent eulogium. The licentiousness of the press consists in doing the thing boldly and well, in striking terror into the guilty, and in rousing the attention of the public to the defence of their highest interests. This is the licentiousness of the press held in the greatest horror by timid and corrupt men, and punished by semianimous semicadaverous judges, with a captivity of many years. In the same manner the dyslogistic and eulogistic fallacies are used in the case of reform.

"Between all abuses whatsoever, there exists that connection-between all persons who see each of them, any one abuse in which an advantage results to himself, there exists, in point of interest, that close and sufficiently understood connection, of which intimation has been given already. To no

one abuse can correction be administered | Speculative upon any scheme which he without endangering the existence of every thinks may cherish the spirit of reform.

other.

The expression is hailed with the greatest delight by bad and feeble men, and repeated with the most unwearied energy; and to the word Speculative, by way of reinforcement, are added theoretical, visionary, chimerical, romantic, Utopian.

"If, then, with this inward determination not to suffer, so far as depends upon himself, the adoption of any reform which he is able to prevent, it should seem to him necessary or advisable to put on for a cover, the profession or appearance of a desire to contribute to such reform-in pursuance of the device or fallacy here in question, he will represent that which goes by the name of reform as distinguishable into two species; one of them a fit subject for approbation, the other for disapprobation. That which he thus professes to have marked for approbation, he will accordingly, for the ex-farther progress made in the art of irration pression of such approbation, characterise by some adjunct of the eulogistic cast, such as moderate, for example, or temperate, or practical, or practicable.

"To the other of these nominally distinct species, he will, at the same time, attach some adjunct of the dyslogistic cast, such as violent, intemperate, extravagant, outrageous, theoretical, speculative, and so

forth.

"Thus, then, in profession and to appear ance, there are in his conception of the matter two distinct and opposite species of reform, to one of which his approbation, to the other his disapprobation, is attached. But the species to which his approbation is attached is an empty species-a species in which no individual is, or is intended to be, contained.

The species to which his disapprobation is attached is, on the contrary, a crowded species, a receptacle in which the whole

contents of the genus-of the genus Reform are intended to be included."--(pp. 277,278.)

"Sometimes a distinction is taken, and thereupon a concession made. The plan is good in theory, but it would be bad in practice, i. e. its being good in theory does not hinder its being bad in practice. "Sometimes, as if in consequence of a

to be practicable; and its being so good as ality, the plan is pronounced to be too good it is, is thus represented as the very cause of its being bad in practice.

" 'In short, such is the perfection at which this art is at length arrived, that the very circumstance of a plan's being susceptible of the appellation of a plan, has been gravely stated as a circumstance sufficient to warrant its being rejected: rejected, if not with hatred, at any rate with a sort of accompaniment, which, to the million, is commonly felt still more galling-with con tempt." (p. 296.)

There is a propensity to push theory too far; but what is the just inference? not that theoretical propositions (i. e. all propositions of any considerable comprehension or extent) should, from such their extent, be considered to be false in toto, but only that, in the particular case, inquiry should be made whether, supposing the proposition to be in the character of a rule generally true, an exception ought to be taken out of it. It might also be imagined that there was something wicked or unwise in the exercise of thought; for everybody feels a necessity for disclaim ing it. "I am not given to speculation, I am no friend to theories." Can a man disclaim theory, can he disclaim spe culation, without disclaiming thought?

Anti-rational Fallacies.-When reason is in opposition to a man's interests, his study will naturally be to render the faculty itself, and whatever issues from it, an object of hatred and contempt. The sarcasm and other figures of speech employed on the occasion are directed not merely against reason, but against thought, as if there were something in the faculty of thought that rendered the exercise of it incompatible with useful and successful practice. Sometimes a plan, which would not suit the official person's interest, is without more ado pronounced a speculative one; and, by this observation, all need of rational to any preponderant objection, have and deliberate discussion is considered to be superseded. The first effort of the corruptionist is to fix the epithet

The description of persons by whom this fallacy is chiefly employed are those who, regarding a plan as adverse to their interests, and not finding it on the ground of general utility exposed

recourse to this objection in the character of an instrument of contempt, in the view of preventing those from

and Solicitor General? The proposition is new, Sir; it is the first time it was ever heard in this House. I am not prepared, Sir-this House is not prepared, to receive it. The measure implies a distrust of his Majesty's go

looking into it who might have been stamped a character of eternity? Are otherwise disposed. It is by the fear of not all authorities against this measure seeing it practised that they are drawn-Pitt, Fox, Cicero, and the Attorney to speak of it as impracticable. "Upon the face of it (exclaims some feeble or pensioned gentleman), it carries that air of plausibility, that, if you were not upon your guard, might engage you to bestow more or less of attention upon it; but were you to take the trou-vernment; their disapproval is suffible, you would find that (as it is with all these plans which promise so much) practicability would at last be wanting to it. To save yourself from this trouble, the wisest course you can take is to put the plan aside, and to think no more about the matter." This is always accompanied with a peculiar grin of triumph.

The whole of these fallacies may be gathered together in a little oration, which we will denominate the

Noodle's Oration.

cient to warrant opposition. Precaution only is requisite where danger is apprehended. Here the high character of the individuals in question is a sufficient guarantee against any ground of alarm. Give not, then, your sanction to this measure; for, whatever be its character, if you do give your sanction to it, the same man by whom this is proposed, will propose to you others to which it will be impossible to give your consent. I care very little, Sir, for the ostensible measure; but what is there behind? What are the honourable "What would our ancestors say to gentleman's future schemes? If we this, Sir? How does this measure pass this bill, what fresh concessions tally with their institutions? How may he not require? What further does it agree with their experience? degradation is he planning for his Are we to put the wisdom of yesterday country? Talk of evil and inconin competition with the wisdom of cen-venience, Sir! look to other countries turies? (Hear, hear!) Is beardless-study other aggregations and socieyouth to show no respect for the decisions of mature age? (Loud cries of hear! hear!) If this measure be right, would it have escaped the wisdom of those Saxon progenitors to whom we are indebted for so many of our best political institutions? Would the Dane have passed it over? Would the Nor-opinions? I not only quarrel with his man have rejected it? Would such a notable discovery have been reserved for these modern and degenerate times? Besides, Sir, if the measure itself is good, I ask the honourable gentleman if this is the time for carrying it into execution-whether, in fact, a more unfortunate period could have been selected than that which he has chosen? If this were an ordinary measure, I should not oppose it with so much vehemence; but, Sir, it calls in question the wisdom of an irrevocable law-of a law passed at the memorable period of the Revolution. What right have we, Sir, to break down this firm column, on which the great men of that day

ties of men, and then see whether the laws of this country demand a remedy or deserve a panegyric. Was the honourable gentleman (let me ask him) always of this way of thinking? Do I not remember when he was the advocate in this House of very opposite

present sentiments, Sir, but I declare very frankly, I do not like the party with which he acts. If his own motives were as pure as possible, they cannot but suffer contamination from those with whom he is politically associated. This measure may be a boon to the constitution; but I will accept no favour to the constitution from such hands. (Loud cries of hear! hear!) I profess myself, Sir, an honest and upright member of the British Parliament, and I am not afraid to profess myself an enemy to all change and all innovation. I am satisfied with things as they are; and it will be my pride and pleasure to hand down this coun

"Upon the whole, the following are the characters which appertain in common to all the several arguments here distinguished by the name of fallacies:

"1. Whatsoever be the measure in hand, they are, with relation to it, irrelevant.

"2. They are all of them such, that the application of these irrelevant arguments ness or total absence of relevant arguments affords a presumption either of the weakon the side on which they are employed.

"3. To any good purpose they are all of them unnecessary.

try to my children as I received it from himself! let him look at home; he those who preceded me. The honour-will find there enough to do, without able gentleman pretends to justify the looking abroad, and aiming at what severity with which he has attacked the is out of his power. (Loud Cheers.) noble Lord who presides in the Court And now, Sir, as it is frequently the of Chancery; but I say such attacks custom in this House to end with a are pregnant with mischief to Govern- quotation, and as the gentleman who ment itself. Oppose Ministers. you preceded me in the debate has anticioppose Government: disgrace Minis-pated me in my favourite quotation of ters, you disgrace Government: bring The strong pull and the long pull,'— Ministers into contempt, you bring Go- I shall end with the memorable words vernment into contempt; and anarchy of the assembled Barons - Nolumus and civil war are the consequences. leges Angliæ mutari.' ” Besides, Sir, the measure is unnecessary. Nobody complains of disorder in that shape in which it is the aim of your measure to propose a remedy to it. The business is one of the greatest importance; there is need of the greatest caution and circumspection. Do not let us be precipitate, Sir. It is impossible to foresee all consequences. Everything should be gradual: the example of a neighbouring nation should fill us with alarm! The honourable gentleman has taxed me with illiberality, Sir. I deny the charge. I hate innovation; but I love improvement. I am an enemy to the corruption of Government; but I defend its influence. I dread Reform; but I dread it only when it is intemperate. I consider the liberty of the Press as the great Palladium of the Constitution; but, at the same tine, I hold the licentiousness of the Press in the greatest abhorrence. Nobody is more conscious than I am of the splendid abilities of the honourable mover; but I tell him at once his scheme is too good to be practicable. It savours of Utopia. It looks well in theory; but it won't do in practice. It will not do, I repeat, Sir, in practice; and so the advocates of the measure will find, if unfortunately it should find its way through Parliament. (Cheers.) The source of that corruption to which the honourable member alludes, is in the minds of the people: so rank and extensive is that corruption, that no political reform can have any effect in removing it. Instead of reforming others -instead of reforming the State, the Constitution, and everything that is most excellent, let each man reform

"4. They are all of them not only capable of being applied, but actually in the habit of being applied, and with advantage, to defeat of all such measures as have for their bad purposes; viz. to the obstruction and object the removal of the abuses or other imperfections still discernible in the frame and practice of the government.

"5. By means of their irrelevancy, they all of them consume and misapply time, thereby obstructing the course and retarding the progress of all necessary and useful business.

"6. By that irritative quality which, in virtue of their irrelevancy, with the improbity or weakness of which it is indicative, they possess, all of them, in a degree more or less considerable, but in a more particular degree such of them as consist in personalities, they are productive of ill-humour, which in some instances has been productive of bloodshed, and is continually productive, as above, of waste of time and

hindrance of business.

"7. On the part of those who, whether in

spoken or written discourses, give utterance to them, they are indicative either of improbity or intellectual weakness, or of a contempt for the understanding of those on whose minds they are destined to operate.

"8. On the part of those on whom they operate, they are indicative of intellectual weakness; and on the part of those in and by whom they are pretended to operate they are indicative of improbity, viz. in the shape of insincerity.