gation. The Mississippi, flowing from the north to the Gulf of Mexico, through seventeen degrees of latitude; the Ohio and the Alleghany almost connecting it with the Northern Lakes; the Wabash, the Illinois, the Missouri, the Arkansas, the Red River, flowing from the confines of New Mexico;-these rivers, all navigable, and most of them already frequented by steamboats, constitute a facility of internal communication, not, we believe, to be paralleled in the whole world. out of the question-equally so is the influence of family and fortune. What then can they do, with their Caucus, or without it, but recommend? And what charge is it against the American government to say, that those members of whom the people have the highest opinion, meet together to consult whom they shall recommend for President, and that their recommendation is successful in their different states? Could any friend to good order wish other means to be employed, or other results to follow? No statesman can wish to exclude influence, but only bad influence ;-not the influence of sense and character, but the influence of money and punch. One of the great advantages of the American government is its cheapness. The American king has about 5000l. per annum, the vice-king 1000l. They hire their Lord Liverpool at about a thousand per annum, and their Lord A very disgusting feature in the Sidmouth (a good bargain) at the same character of the present English gosum. Their Mr. Crokers are inexpres-vernment is its extreme timidity, and sibly reasonable, somewhere about the cruelty and violence to which its the price of an English door-keeper, timidity gives birth. Some hot-headed or bearer of a mace. Life, however, young person, in defending the princiseems to go on very well, in spite of ples of liberty, and attacking those these low salaries; and the purposes abuses to which all governments are of government to be very fairly an- liable, passes the bounds of reason and swered. Whatever may be the evils of moderation, or is thought to have universal suffrage in other countries, passed them by those whose interest it they have not yet been felt in America; is to think so. What matters it whether and one thing at least is established by he has or not? You are strong enough her experience, that this institution is to let him alone. With such institunot necessarily followed by those tu- tions as ours he can do no mischief; mults, the dread of which excites so perhaps he may owe his celebrity to much apprehension in this country. your opposition; or, if he must be la the most democratic states, where opposed, write against him, the payment of direct taxes is the only didus, Scrutator, Vindex, or any of qualification of a voter, the elections the conductitious penmen of governare carried on with the utmost tran- ment to write him down;-anything quillity, and the whole business, by but the savage spectacle of a poor taking votes in each parish or section, wretch, perhaps a very honest man, concluded all over the state in a single contending in vain against the weight day. A great deal is said by Fearon of an immense government, pursued by about Caucus, the cant word of the a zealous attorney, and sentenced by Americans for the committees and party some candidate, perhaps, for the favour meetings in which the business of the of the crown, to the long miseries of elections which he seems to consider as preju. dicial. To us, however, it to -set Can * A great deal is said about the independence be nothing more than the natural, le causes between individuals they ass fair, and unavoidable influence, which strictly independent and upright; but they talent, popularity, and activity, always have strong temptations to be otherwise, in must have upon such occasions. What Such cases often involve questions of party, ters of the democratic party in Congress agitation by the minister and his friends, other influence can the leading charac- and are viewed with great passion and possibly possess? Bribery is entirely friends and families, and dignities to aspire cases where the Crown prosecutes for libel. VOL. I. Judges have often favours to ask for their R Thirty-nine English Families by whom | But they are becoming a little too the Author was deputed, in June 1817, to powerful, we take it, for this cavalier ascertain whether any, and what Part of sort of management, and are increasing the United States would be suitable for with a rapidity which is really no their Residence. With Remarks on Mr. Birkbeck's" Notes" and "Letters." matter of jocularity to us, or the other powers of the Old World. In 1791, Baltimore contained 13,000 inhabi tants; in 1810, 46,000; in 1817, 60,000. In 1790, it possessed 13,000 tons of shipping; in 1798, 59,000: in 1805, 72,000; in 1810, 103,444. The progress of Philadelphia is as fol lows: "In 1700 1810 Houses. Inhabi tants. 80 and 600 700 5,000 2,076 15,000 2,969 20,09 4,474 30,000 5,460 40,000 22,769 100,000 'Now, it is computed there are at least 120,000 inhabitants in the city and suburbs, of which 10,000 are free coloured people."(Palmer, pp. 254, 255.) 4. Travels in the Interior of America, in the Years 1809, 1810, and 1811, &c. By John Bradbury, F. L.S. London. 8vo. London. Sherwood, Neely & Jones. 1817. THESE four books are all very well worth reading to any person who feels, as we do, the importance and interest of the subject of which they treat. They contain a great deal of informa-1683 there were in the city tion and amusement; and will probably 1749 decide the fate, and direct the footsteps, 1760 of many human beings, seeking a better 1769 lot than the Old World can afford them. 1776 Mr. Hall is a clever, lively man, very 1783 much above the common race of writers; 1806 with very liberal and reasonable opinions, which he expresses with great boldness, and an inexhaustible fund of good humour. He has the elements of wit in him; but sometimes is trite and flat when he means to be amusing. The population of New York (the He writes verses, too, and is occasion-city), in 1805, was, 60,000; it is now ally long and metaphysical; but, upon 120,000. Their shipping, at present, the whole, we think highly of Mr. amounts to 300,000 tons. The popu Hall; and deem him, if he is not lation of the state of New York was, at more than twenty-five years of age, the accession of his present Majesty, an extraordinary young man. He is 97,000, and is now near 1,000,000. not the less extraordinary for being a Kentucky, first settled in 1773, had, in Lieutenant of Light Dragoons- as it 1792, a population of 100,000; and in is certainly somewhat rare to meet with 1810, 406,000. Morse reckons the an original thinker, an indulgent judge whole population of the western terriof manners, and a man tolerant of tory, in 1790, at 6000; in 1810, it neglect and familiarity, in a youth was near half a million; and will procovered with tags, feathers, and mar-bably exceed a million in 1820. These, tial foolery. Mr. Palmer is a plain man, of good sense and slow judgment. Mr. Bradbury is a botanist, who lived a good deal among the savages, but worth attending to. Mr. Fearon is a much abler writer than either of the two last, but no lover of America- and a little given to exaggeration in his views of vices and prejudices. Among other faults with which our government is chargeable, the vice of impertinence has lately crept into our cabinet; and the Americans have been treated with ridicule and contempt. and a thousand other equally strong proofs of their increasing strength, tend to extinguish pleasantry, and provoke thought. We were surprised and pleased to find from these accounts, that the Americans on the Red River and the Arkansas River have begun to make sugar and wine. Their importation of wool into this country is becoming also an abject of some consequence; and they have inexhaustible supplies of salt and coal. But one of the great sources of wealth in America is and will be an astonishing command of inland naviga gation. The Mississippi, flowing from the north to the Gulf of Mexico, through seventeen degrees of latitude; the Ohio and the Alleghany almost connecting it with the Northern Lakes; the Wabash, the Illinois, the Missouri, the Arkansas, the Red River, flowing from the confines of New Mexico;-these rivers, all navigable, and most of them already frequented by steamboats, constitute a facility of internal communication, not, we believe, to be paralleled in the whole world. out of the question-equally so is the influence of family and fortune. What then can they do, with their Caucus, or without it, but recommend? And what charge is it against the American government to say, that those members of whom the people have the highest opinion, meet together to consult whom they shall recommend for President, and that their recommendation is successful in their different states? Could any friend to good order wish other means to be employed, or other results to follow? No statesman can wish to exclude influence, but only bad influence ;-not the influence of sense and character, but the influence of money and punch. One of the great advantages of the American government is its cheapness. The American king has about 5000l. per annum, the vice-king 1000l. They hire their Lord Liverpool at about a thousand per annum, and their Lord A very disgusting feature in the Sidmouth (a good bargain) at the same character of the present English gosam. Their Mr. Crokers are inexpres-vernment is its extreme timidity, and sibly reasonable, somewhere about the cruelty and violence to which its the price of an English door-keeper, timidity gives birth. Some hot-headed or bearer of a mace. Life, however, young person, in defending the princiseems to go on very well, in spite of ples of liberty, and attacking those these low salaries; and the purposes abuses to which all governments are of government to be very fairly an- liable, passes the bounds of reason and swered. Whatever may be the evils of moderation, or is thought to have universal suffrage in other countries, passed them by those whose interest it they have not yet been felt in America; is to think so. What matters it whether and one thing at least is established by he has or not? You are strong enough her experience, that this institution is to let him alone. With such institunot necessarily followed by those tu- tions as ours he can do no mischief; mults, the dread of which excites so perhaps he may owe his celebrity to much apprehension in this country. your opposition; or, if he must be In the most democratic states, where opposed, write against him,-set Canthe payment of direct taxes is the only didus, Scrutator, Vindex, or any of qualification of a voter, the elections the conductitious penmen of governare carried on with the utmost tran- ment to write him down; -anything quillity, and the whole business, by but the savage spectacle of a poor taking votes in each parish or section, wretch, perhaps a very honest man, concluded all over the state in a single contending in vain against the weight day. A great deal is said by Fearon of an immense government, pursued by about Caucus, the cant word of the a zealous attorney, and sentenced by Americans for the committees and party some candidate, perhaps, for the favour meetings in which the business of the of the crown, to the long miseries of elections is prepared-the influence of the dungeon.* A still more flagrant which he seems to consider as preju. dicial. To us, however, it appears to be nothing more than the natural, fair, and unavoidable influence, which talent, popularity, and activity, always must have upon such occasions. What other influence can the leading characters of the democratic party in Congress possibly possess? Bribery is entirely VOL. I. pendence and integrity of English judges. In causes between individuals they are strictly independent and upright; but they * A great deal is said about the inde have strong temptations to be otherwise, in cases where the Crown prosecutes for libel. Such cases often involve questions of party, and are viewed with great passion and Judges have often favours to ask for their agitation by the minister and his friends, friends and families, and dignities to aspire R instance may be found in our late sus- Government had raw recruits, officers who pensions of the Habeas Corpus Act had never seen an enemy, half a dozen Nothing was trusted to the voluntary frigates, and a population unaccustomed to sacrifices, and impatient of taxation. To activity of a brave people thoroughly crown these disadvantages, a most imattached to their government-nothing portant section of the Union, the New to the good sense and prudence of the England States, openly set up the standard gentlemen and yeomen of the country of separation and rebellion. A convention -nothing to a little forbearance, sat for the express purpose of thwarting putience, and watchfulness. There was no other security but despotism; nothing but the alienation of that right which no king nor minister can love, and which no human beings but the English have had the valour to win, and the prudence to keep. The contrast between our government and that of the Americans upon the subject of suspending the Habeas Corpus, is drawn in so very able a manner by Mr. Hall, that we must give the passage at large. "It has ever been the policy of the Federalists to 'strengthen the hands of government.' No measure can be imagined more effectual for this purpose, than a law which gifts the ruling powers with infallibility; but no sooner was it enacted, than it revealed its hostility to the principles of the American system, by generating oppression under the cloak of defending social order. the measures of government; while the press and pulpit thundered every species of denunciation against whoever should assist their own country in the hour of danger.* And this was the work, not of Jacobins and democrats, but of the staunch friends of religion and social order, who had been so zealously attached to the government, while it was administered by their own party, that they suffered not the popular breath to visit the President's breech too roughly.' "The course pursued, both by Mr. Jeffer son and Mr. Maddison, throughout this season of difficulty, merits the gratitude of their country, and the imitation of all governments pretending to be free. "So far were they from demanding any extraordinary powers from Congress, that they did not even enforce, to their full extent, those with which they were by the constitution invested. The process of reasoning, on which they probably acted, may be thus stated. The majority of the nation is with us, because the war is national. "If there ever was a period when circum- The interests of a minority suffer; and selfstances seemed to justify what are called interest is clamorous when injured. It energetic measures, it was during the Ad-carries its opposition to an extreme inconministration of Mr. Jefferson and his suc-sistent with its political duty. Shall we cessor. A disastrous war began to rage not only on the frontiers, but in the very penetralia of the republic. To oppose veteran troops, the ablest generals, and the largest fleets in the world, the American to for themselves. It is human nature that such powerful motives should create a great bias against the prisoner. Suppose the chief justice of any court to be in an infirm state of health, and a government libel-cause to be tried by one of the puisne judges-of what immense importance is it to that man to be called a strong friend to government-how injurious to his natural and fair hopes to be called lukewarm, or addicted to popular notions-and how easily the runners of the government would attach such a character to him! The useful inference from these observations is, that, in all government cases, the jury, instead of being influenced by the cant phrases about the integrity of English judges, should suspect the operation of such motives-watch the judge with the most acute jealousy--and compel him to be honest, by throwing themselves into the opposite scale whenever he is inclined to be otherwise. leave it an undisturbed career of faction, or seek to put it down with libel and sedition laws? In the first case it will grow bold from impunity; its proceedings will be more and more outrageous; but every step it takes to thwart us will be a step in favour of the enemy, and, consequently, so much ground lost in public opinion. But, as "In Boston, associations were entered into for the purpose of preventing the filling up of government loans. Individuals disposed to subscribe were obliged to do it in secret, and conceal their names, as if the action had been dishonest."-(Vide "Olive Branch," p. 307.) At the same time, immense runs were made by the Boston banks on those of the Central and Southern States; while the specie thus drained was trans mitted to Canada, in payment for smuggled goods and British Government bills, which were drawn in Quebec, and disposed of in great numbers, on advantageous terms, to monied men in the states. Mr. Henry's mission is the best proof of the result anticipated by our government from these proceedings in New England. public opinion is the only instrument by | how one shall command and the other which a minority can convert a majority to obey. its views, impunity, by revealing its motives, affords the surest chance of defeating its intent. In the latter case, we quit the ground of reason to take that of force; we give the factious the advantage of seeming persecuted: by repressing intemperate discussion, we confess ourselves liable to be injured by it. If we seek to shield our reputation by a libel-law, we acknowledge either that our conduct will not bear investigation, or that the people are incapable of stinguishing betwixt truth and falsebod; but for a popular government to imPeach the sanity of the nation's judgment is to overthrow the pillars of its own eleration. "The event triumphantly proved the correctness of this reasoning. The Federalists awoke from the delirium of factious intoxi cation, and found themselves covered with contempt and shame. Their country had been in danger, and they gloried in her Cstress. She had exposed herself to privatos from which they had extracted profit. Is her triumphs they had no part, except that of having mourned over and deprecated them. Since the war Federalism has been scarcely heard of."-(Hall, 508— 521.) The dress of lawyers, however, is, at all events, of less importance than their charges. Law is cheap in America: in England, it is better, in a mere pecuniary point of view, to give up forty pounds than to contend for it in a court of common law. It costs that sum in England to win a cause; and, in the court of equity, it is better to abandon five hundred or a thousand pounds than to contend for it. We mean to say nothing disrespectful of the Chancellor - who is an upright judge, a very great lawyer, and zealous to do all he can; but we believe the Court of Chancery to be in a state which imperiously requires legislative correction. We do not accuse it of any malversation, but of a complication, formality, entanglement, and delay, which the life, the wealth, and the patience of man cannot endure. How such a subject comes not to have been taken up in the House of Commons, we are wholly at a loss to conceive. We feel for climbing boys as much as anybody can do; but what is a climbing boy in a chimney to a fullgrown suitor in the Master's office? And whence comes it, in the midst of ten thousand compassions and charities, that no Wilberforce, or Sister Fry, has started up for the suitors in Chancery?* and why, in the name of these afflicted and attorney-worn people, are there united in their judge three or four offices, any one of which is sufficient to occupy the whole time of a very able and active man? The Americans, we believe, are the frst persons who have discarded the tailor in the administration of justice, and his auxiliary the barber-two persons of endless importance in the codes and pandects of Europe. A judge administers justice, without a calorific wig and parti-coloured gown, in a coat and pantaloons. He is obeyed, however; and life and property are not badly protected in the United States. We shall be denounced by the Laureate as atheists and Jacobins; but we must say, that we have doubts There are no very prominent men whether one atom of useful influence at present in America; at least none is added to men in important situations whose fame is strong enough for exby any colour, quantity, or configu-portation. Munro is a man of plain ration of cloth and hair. The true unaffected good sense. Jefferson, we progress of refinement, we conceive, believe, is still alive; and has always is to discard all the mountebank drapery of barbarous ages. One row of gold and far falls off after another from the robe of power, and is picked up and worn by the parish beadle and the exhibitor of wild beasts. Meantime, the afflicted wiseacre mourns over equality of garment; and wotteth not of two men, whose doublets have cost alike, *This is still one of the great uncorrected evils of the country. Nothing can be so utterly absurd as to leave the head of the Court of Chancery a political officer, and to to all the delays and interruptions which subject forty millions of litigated property are occasioned by his present multiplicity of offices. (1839.)-The Chancellor is speaker of the House of Lords; he might as well be made Archbishop of Canterbury;-it is one of the greatest of existing follies., |