some traditionary particulars to her brief narrative, a shriek-a female shriek, shrill and agonizing, came from the neighbouring dell-another and another came, before we scaled the rock over which the stream leapt; and, looking up the dell, I saw the old man, already mentioned in the commencement of this narrative, stretched motionless on the grave; and by his side, as motionless as himself, lay his grand-daughter, with her arm still round his neck, and her = cheek laid to his. I took her in my arms, and the free air and the pure water brought back the ruddiness to her lips; but the hands of the old man still remained clenched, his eyes fixed-to him the free air and the pure water came in vain-he had died in prayer on the grave of his wife. The maiden recovered, and looked on him for a minute's spacethen, casting her arms about him, and dropping her head to the ground, she said "You are gone! and who is there now to bless me, and guide my steps? Year after year that you went to her grave, it was with a wish that you might die there-and you are gone now! and who is there to guide my steps?-Not one." And she wept aloud, and sat down by the body, and refused to be comforted. I was much moved and I took the body, and laid it in Eyam churchyard; and the young woman went with me wherever I went→→ there was something in her looks which my heart loved, and she was young, and she was fair, and of good fame. And I sought to bid her farewell, and I could not; and she sat and looked in my face, and wept again-and when I went away she sobbed, and hid her face in her hands-and then she arose and followed me, keeping afar be hind. And I turned again, and we were married, and she gave unto me sons and fair daughters. Our dwelling was distant-yet once a year we saw again Cucklet church, Eyam dell, Mompessan's brook, and the graves of her ancestors.* NALLA. DR. ROUTH'S NEW EDITION OF BISHOP BURNET'S HISTORY FEW of our readers can be unacquainted with Bishop Burnet's posthumous memoirs,-a work which, notwithstanding all the objections that have been raised against it, by those of contrary political feelings, abounds in so much curious detail of public affairs, and contains such a mass of interesting private anecdote, as will render it, at all times, a book of permanent value in the opinion of the English reader. A new edition, with some very important improvements, has appeared, within the last few days, from the Clarendon Press; and, having fortunately obtained sight of a very early copy, we hasten to give this brief notice of its contents. We believe it to be no secret in the University, nor in Pall-mall, that the literary world is indebted to the learned editor of the Reliquia Sacræ for the superintendence of the present work; and, at the same time that we express our entire satisfaction at the diligence, judgment, and ability with which the task has been executed, we cannot but return our thanks to the delegates of the Clarendon Press for giving us a book of general interest and entertainment, in a very handsome form and at a very moderate price.t The new edition of Bishop Burnet consists of the text, as printed from the first folio edition, together with those passages in the first volume, which were omitted by the original editor, Judge Burnet, but inserted in MS. by Lord Hardwicke in his own copy. The first edition has been selected as the proper text-book, be • Many interesting and curious particulars concerning the plague of Eyam, may be found in a very entertaining and elegant work-Rhodes Peak Scenery. + Six volumes 8vo. with two portraits, one of Burnet, the other of Lord Dartmouth. Price 21. 6s. in sheets. cause, whatever were the supposed improvements in the octavo copy, said to have been revised by the Bishop's son, it is clear, that the original manuscript was further departed from in this, than it had been in the folio, edition, which has now been followed. To this text are added the notes of William Legge, first Earl of Dartmouth; those of Philip Yorke, second Earl of Hardwicke; of Arthur Onslow, Speaker of the House of Commons; of Dean Swift; a few by Henry Legge and Mr. Godwyn; and, lastly, a very large proportion by the present editor, who has prefixed a judicious and very manly introduc tion. " A collection of notes on such a work as Bishop Burnet's, by men so well known as those we have just enumerated, cannot but be read with great interest; particularly as they are understood to have entertained political opinions diametrically opposed to each other. Lord Dartmouth's (to use the words of the editor)" abound in curious and well-told anecdote ; Swift's are "shrewd, caustic, and apposite, but not written with the requisite decorum; the Speaker's "contain many incidental discussions on political subjects, and are sensible and instructive;" whilst those of the Earl of Hardwicke "are so candid and judicious, that one cannot but wish them to have been more numerous." To this we may add, that the additional annotations (which, as they do not bear the signature of any of the above persons, are, we apprehend, to be entirely ascribed to the Oxford editor) contain a great deal of historical information, particularly on obscure points, together with much acute remark on political occurrences and private character; and the whole expressed in terms of candour and moderation, which bespeak the honesty of the writer, and reflect great credit on his accuracy and research. If we could have spared the remarks of any of the aforenamed annotators, they would have been those of the Dean of St. Patrick's, which, some few excepted, have little value in our estimation. In many instances they contain mere personal abuse, and in some the expressions are of a nature so remote from decency and good manners, as might well have excused their omission. Perhaps we cannot give a better specimen of Swift's critical hostility than the following:-Not liking some statement of the Bishop's, the Dean very unceremoniously calls him "Dog!" He reads a little further, and still further disagreeing in opinion, bestows the additional appellations of "Dog! Dog!!" Going on, and discovering perhaps somewhat that created yet more displeasure, he concludes with calling the offending author "Dog! Dog!! Dog!!!" and so leaves him. It seems, indeed, that three of the Dean's notes have been omitted as too indelicate for insertion, and that the same number out of those by Lord Dartmouth have shared a similar fate, as reflecting too severely on private character. It is impossible to do otherwise than applaud the caution and propriety that dictated these suppressions: for no wit, however brilliant, can excuse indelicacy; nor can there be any reasons for perpetuating scandalous anecdotes, in no way connected with the public conduct of the persons to whom they relate. We extract the following just and sensible observations on the political character of the times, and principal actors in the scenes, of which Burnet writes: our quotation forms the conclusion of the editor's preface: "The great influence which personal character had formerly on events, together with other causes, occasions the reign of Charles the First, in which the contest for political power commenced, to form the most interesting period of English history, whether we are disposed to triumph with the conquering party, or to espouse and commiserate the cause of high honour and suffering loyalty. The frequent and rethe interregnum, as well as the singular markable changes of government during and energetic character of the Protector Cromwell, secure the attention of every reader. The disputes which arose between an unprincipled, but good humoured monarch, regardless alike of his own honour and the national interest, and a restless, violent, and merciless faction, are subjects of deep concern, on account of their melancholy results. At the same time, the mind feels consolation in the virtues of Ormond, withstanding the enormities of courtiers and Clarendon, and Southampton. And, notanti-courtiers, we reflect with pleasure on the freedom then first securely enjoyed, from every species of arbitrary taxation, and from extrajudicial imprisonment; on the provision made for the meeting of parliament once, in three years at the least; in a word, on the possession of a constitution, which King William admired so much, that he professed himself afraid to improve it. The gloom of the next reign, overcast and ruined as its prospects were by folly and oppression, and finally closed by means of intrigue, falsehood, and intimidation, is in part enlivened by a view of the courageous and disinterested conduct of Sancroft, Hough, Dundee, Craven, and a few others. Some of these persons, desirous of a parlia mentary redress of grievances, thought, that instead of the force put upon the person of the King, an accommodation might and ought to have been effected with him; as he had a little before, when threatened with the just and open hostility of his subjects for his perversion of law, and maintenance of a standing army, made very important concessions. Yet it may be reasonably doubted, whether a composition with a prince of his disposition and feeble judg. ment, whatever good qualities he was other wise possessed of, would eventually have been lasting, or even reducible to practice. The appeal made by him to his subjects, immediately after his retreat to another country, was signed by a secretary of state employed contrary to law. "Times had now passed, which were chequered with great virtues and vices; but the reigns of William and Anne exhibit to the reader one uniform scene of venality and corruption; and the mind, instead of being interested, is disgusted with the contests of two parties for the government of the country, assuming, as it best suited their selfish purposes, each other's principles. The long contemplated change in the executive government was at length effected; its power being virtually transferred to combinations of persons possessed of great influence in parliamentary elections, and in parliament itself. Hence what has been called the practice of the constitution differed widely from its theory; and to this depression of the crown and of its direct power, occasioned by the seeming necessity for the almost constant sitting of parliament, were added maxims totally annihilating the will of the single person, and, in conjunction with other causes, finally subversive of all dutiful and affectionate attachment to authority. These maxims, not recognised as constitutional by Clarendon, Hall, or Locke, were advanced in order to colour and justify the alteration. A wider and more extensive field was now opened for the exertion of talents, serviceable indeed to the advance ment of the individual, but full as often pernicious as useful to the public. In these reigns also, contrary to every principle of justice, were laid the deep and broad foundations of a debt, which no other than the. political system then adopted could have MARCH, 1823. entailed on a nation. It ought still however We have now little else to do, than to give our readers a few extracts from the notes, which will enable them to judge pretty accurately of the value of the whole of the additions: to say any thing on the work itself, so well known as Burnet's work is, would be quite superfluous. To the Bishop's character of the first Earl of Shaftsbury, which represents him, as to religion, a deist at best, Speaker Onslow gives the following anecdote. A person came to make him a visit whilst he was sitting one day with a lady of his family, who retired upon that to another part of the room, with her work, and seemed not to attend to the conversation between the Earl and the other person, which turned soon into some dispute upon subjects of religion; after a good deal of that sort of talk, the Earl said at last, People differ in their discourse and profession about these matters, but men of sense are really but of one religion." Upon which, says the lady of a sudden, "Pray, my lord, what religion is that which men of sense agree in ?" "Madam," says the Earl, "men of sense never tell it." The suppressed passages add to this nobleman's ill character, by saying "he had no regard to either truth or justice," nor was he "out of countenance in owning his unsteadiness and deceitfulness." It has been remarked by others than Burnet, that notwithstanding Shaftesbury's continual tergiversation, and the knowledge all men had, of how little he was to be depended on, he was, to the last, trusted by the discontented party. On this, Lord Dartmouth relates, that he 66 was told by one that was very conversant with him, that he had a constant maxim, never to fall out with any body, let the X 294 provocation be never so great, which he said he had found great benefit by all his life; and the reason he gave for it was, that he did not know how soon it might be necessary to have them again for his best friends." To Bishop Burnet's very unfavourable and unjust account of Sir William Temple, Speaker Onslow adds: The author should have done more justice to the character of this truly great man; one of the ablest, most sincere, generous, and virtuous ministers, that any age has produced; and who will always be deemed one of the honours of this nation, as a statesman, a writer, and as a lover and example of the finest sorts of learning. They who knew Sir William Temple best, have had a disdain at the misrepresentations here of his principles with regard to religion; his whole life was a continued course of probity, disinterestedness, and every other amiable virtue, with every elegancy of it. Great in business, and happy out of it. See, and contemplate his writings; but pass gently over his few errors. Swift's note on the same passage is very characteristic." Sir William Temple was a man of virtue, to which Burnet was a stranger." Burnet hated the Stuarts, and would have enjoyed the following anecdote of James the First, related by Lord Dartmouth: Robert Cecil, great-grandson to the first Earl of Salisbury, told me, that his ancestor inquiring into the character of King James, Bruce (his Majesty's own Ambassador, and a very adroit one) answered, "Ken ye a John Ape? en I's have him, he'l bite you: en you's have him, he'l bite me." Of the power of the House of Commons none of our readers are ignorant, but the same annotator gives an instance of the exercise of authority by the Speaker, which we should suppose without a parallel. It is related of Sir Edward Seymour. When he was Speaker, his coach broke at Charing Cross, and he ordered the beadles to stop the next gentleman's they met, and bring it to him. The gentleman in it was much surprised to be turned out of his own coach, but Sir Edward told him it was more proper for him to walk in the streets, than the Speaker of the House of Commons; and left him so to do, without any further apology. Charles the Second well expressed the character of Lord Godolphin, who was much about his person; At p. 399 of the second volume, the present Editor gives some noble lines, written by the present Bishop of Cloufert, in a poem entitled "The Love of our Country," which gained the Chancellor's prize at Oxford, in 1771. We the rather give them here because they are omitted, or much curtailed, in the late collection of Oxford Prize Poems, which is in the hands of every one. They are on' the Death of Algernon Sidney: Here let the muse withdraw the blood. stain'd steel, And show the boldest son of public zeal. mien, His voice, his hand, unshaken, firm, se- Yet no diffuse harangue, declaim'd aloud, The love of ancient freedom to restore; On the commencement of the reign This was a crisis that might have made this country as great in Europe, or greater, than it had been in any age, and put the King at the head of all foreign transactions, to have engaged in them, more or less, as it suited either his interest, or his honour: and had he but have kept his religion to his own practice of it, and governed by parliaments, he would have been the hap piest and greatest king at the same time, both at home and abroad, that this nation had almost ever seen. There never happened before such a concurrence of incidents to produce all this but the family was not made to govern this country. A false policy run through their four reigns, and they either did not know, or did not know how to make use of, the true genius and greatness of their people. The British nation, in its freedom, may be the first power of Europe; and a king who shows them he means their interest only, be the best obeyed. When they see him their king, they will be his subjects. On the promotion of Sidney, Earl of Rumney, Lord Dartmouth gives the following whimsical anecdote: When he was made Secretary of State, the Duke of Leeds told me he happened to go into the king's closet soon after he came out, and the king (William III.) asked him if he had seen the new secretary; the duke answered, no, he met nobody but Lord Rumney, (little thinking he could be the man). The king told him, he knew he would laugh at his being so, but he could not think of a proper person at present, and knew he was the only Englishman he could put in and out again without disobliging of him. The duke said, he did not laugh before, but could not forbear, when he heard he was to be at the secretary's office, like a footman at a play, to keep a place till his betters came. The same nobleman makes an observation, which has some justice in it, on the Liturgy of the Church of England: I never heard of but one reasonable objection to any part of the Liturgy, which is, thanking God for the king's being what we ought to pray he should be; the absurdity of which appeared very plainly in King James's reign, during which we were obliged to call him our most religious and gracious prince, and to desire that God would continue him in the true worship of him, when he went publicly to mass, and was overturning all the laws and liberties of the kingdom: but the bishop and his companions took no notice of that, from the same principle of flattery, by which it was first put in, and will always remain. Anecdote of Pope Alexander the Eighth, Ottoboni. I was told at Rome (says Lord Dartmouth) that he was a man of no religion, but left his family, who were poor before, possessed of above a hundred thousand pistoles a year in church preferments, besides vast wealth in personal estates. When some of the cardinals told him he made too much haste, he answered, that it had struck three-and-twenty, for he was past eighty years of age. Cardinal Ottoboni, who was chancellor of the church, kept a mistress in the chancery, which old Cardinal Alteri told the pope gave great offence: he said that was a fault, and next time he saw his nephew, asked him, why he did not take a private lodging for her. A little before he died, he asked his physicians how long they thought he could live: they said about an hour: then he called for a large draught of lachrymæ Christi, (a wine he loved extremely) and said he could not die much the sooner for that. the crew, Old Cato is as great a rogue as you. The new Burnet gives an excellent illustration to this passage, in one of Lord Dartmouth's notes.. Lord Pelham, who was a Lord of the Treasury in King William's time, told me, that, to his knowledge, Sir Christopher Musgrave had seven thousand pounds for settling the king's revenue for life, and that bills, to the king's closet for that use. he carried the money himself, in bank information still more curious. Speaker Onslow adds some political Seymour said to him" Kit, Kit, I know Upon one of these occasions Sir Edward where you have been, and what you have got, but it was first offered to me." "Yes, (said another person), it was so, and the offer was 50007. but Seymour stood for 10,000l.” Mr. Pope alludes somewhere to Musgrave's having received this money from the king, and that it was discovered by his dropping one of the bags, as he was coming down the back stairs at court. The occasion was after this period, (viz. 1693) and it was the settling of the civil list. The king desired it might be 700,000l. a year, and the contrivance for it was thus: Somebody for the court was to propose a million, upon which Musgrave was to rise up, and exclaim against the extravagance of the demand, and the danger of it, and after many severe reflections upon the court, he was to conclude with saying-he dared venture to answer for country gentlemen, that if the demand had been for a modest and reasonable sum, it would not have met with any opposition; that they were not unwilling to support the greatness and dignity of the crown, and that he thought, for all good purposes of government, 700,000l. would be sufficient, and hoped no larger sum would be given into :-This he undertock, |