appearing in the lists of population. It is not surprising, therefore, that another estimate, which proceeds from an educated Christian of Janina, assigns to the country a much larger number of males. It seems also probably to contain some outlying districts. But the proportions of Christian and non-Christian inhabitants are not greatly varied. The Christians given for Epirus are 260,000; the Mussulmans 54,000; with less than 4,000 Jews. But again, while Janina and its neighbourhood are said to supply 92,000 Christians, they only reckon 5,000 Mohammedans, with 3,000 Jews.

The evidence as to language is not less remarkable. In the entire district of Epirus, indeed (which is not in question), 193,000 are said to speak Greek, against 57,000 divided between Albanian and Vlach. But in Janina and its neighbourhood the Greek-speaking population is set down at 94,000, with only 5,500 of other tongues. It may, indeed, be said that figures of this kind can hardly rest upon careful enumeration, and may owe something to partiality. Let us look, then, for other evidence. The highest accessible authority upon the subject is that of persons who have travelled, or, beyond all others, who have long resided in, and studied, Epirus with the rest of Albania, before these subjects passed into the region of controversy at all. Such are Leake (1836), Ami Boué (1840), Tozer (1869), and Hobhouse (1809). Of these I will only quote the last.1 The Christians of Janina, though inhabiting a part of Albania, and governed by Albanian masters, call themselves Greeks. ... . . They neither wear the Albanian dress, nor speak the Albanian language; and they partake also in every particular of the manners and customs of the Greek of the Morea, Roumelia, and other Christian parts of Turkey.'

A yet higher authority, and indeed the highest of all, is Dr. Hahn, who resided for very many years at Janina as Austrian Consul, and whose Albanesische Studien (Jena, 1858) are still, I believe, the standard work on that little known country. The difficulty is to select from his pages without running to great length. He states that the people along the coast speak both languages (Albanian and Greek), but in Janina, Arta, and Preveza 'even the Mohammedan part of the population speak the Greek as mother tongue' (p. 14). And he had cause to know it; for a portion of his work was to produce an Albanian Grammar and Dictionary; and he records the obstacle that he found in the difficulty of finding occasion to prac

12 Journey through Albania, p. 70. London: 1813. This is no question of Albania at all. Divided among themselves, without any sign of historical unity, the Albanians are a race distinct from Hellenes, although, as has been shown in the Kingdom, quite capable of assimilating with them. It is a Greek population with which we are called upon to deal; and no amount of bullying or wheedling by the Turkish authorities on the spot can make it otherwise.

tical exercise in a town so purely Greek as Janina.' But we can quite understand how some semblance of an anti-Hellenic feeling could be procured from this place, when we learn from him (p. 36) that the family language of the foremost aristocratic Mohammedan houses of Janina is the Albanian, but they do not number more than about a dozen.'

Such then appears to be the case of Janina; where, a couple of years ago, when there was a fear of Slavonic intrigues, the official Ottoman Journal (Feb. 2, 1877) declared that Epirus never forgets that she is the primitive Greece, the first station of Hellenism, where the Greek religion and the Greek letters' (of this last we were not quite aware) had their birth.'

Unless all this case can be effectually overset, the Porte cannot reasonably hope to succeed in keeping Janina under her rule. She would act wisely to endeavour to part with it on the best terms she can make; and the only terms she can make with show of reason or hope of success are probably terms of money, which have soothed her susceptibilities in the case of Bulgaria, and which may yet be found to operate with a gentle reconciling force in other portions of the great Eastern problem.

But the question, for us and for the moment, stands thus. If there is to be a serious diplomatic controversy about Janina and its district, which side are we to take? It is good to know that Greece has found a champion, although it is mortifying to be also made painfully aware that we have thus far allowed the championship to slip away from our own hands. The conduct of France at the period of the Greek Emancipation did indeed entitle her to contest it with us in a friendly and honourable rivalry. But her partial recession from questions of European interest since the German war made it peculiarly our duty, at Constantinople and elsewhere, to assume the office. Nor can the fact be concealed that we had every possible facility for the performance of this duty. No country can vie with us, unless it be our own fault, in winning the confidence and affection of the Greeks: for there is no other State in regard to which there does not exist some bar to a complete harmony. Russia agrees with the Greeks as members of the orthodox Church, but excites their jealousy by her Slavonic sympathies, within the circle of which even religion has now been drawn. France has no special Slavonic sympathies; but her religion, on account of its aggressive operations, is everywhere in conflict with the religion of Greece, and, gliding, as it is so apt to glide, into Eastern policy, introduces an element of misgiving which checks the thorough consolidation of goodwill. England alone is absolutely detached from any influence, which can mar the completeness of her concord with the Hellenic races. She shared with France and Russia the good work of libera

tion and the unhappy affair of Pacifico was surely well redeemed by the cession of the Ionian Islands. She is naturally marked out, not for an exclusive, but for a special friendliness with Greece. But there is no demand in this case for a special friendliness, in order to supply the motive of right action. The ungracious assent, which we so unhappily substituted at the Congress for our zealous advocacy, at any rate stands recorded against us. That we should lend to Greece a free and resolute concurrence, at least at this final stage, in obtaining for her the boon destined for her by European compact, is what justice, policy, and even decency, alike require.

W. E. GLADStone.

May 24, 1879.

INDEX TO VOL. V.

The titles of articles are printed in italics.