taking occasion to speake of the persecutions of the Prophet, and the meanes he used to prevent and avoyd them, he proceeded also to state this Question, viz. whether subjects se defendendo in case of Religion might take up armes against theyre Soveraigne, wch he resolved in the Affirmative; for this tenent after Sermon he was sent for and Questioned by the then Vicechancellor & the now Bishop of Bath & Wells Dr. Peir's, & required by him to deliuer up his notes, wth an Account of the Contriver's or Abetto's of his sermon (for some such he would not be pswaded but that there were and those of the Grandees) & withall to whom he had showed his sermon before he preach't it; to all wch he returned this that in this Tent. he had followed Paræus then professor at Heidelberg in his Commentaryes upon ye 13th to ye Romans1 & to name his best Author the King's Majestye's practice, who then at that very time was sending releif to the Rochellers then in Armes agst theyre naturall La and King; And for such as had before seen his Sermon he knew of none but one Mr Herbert of ye same house Minister of Radley, and one Mr Code a young Master of theyre hall 2, upon wch Answer both he, and Herbert wth Code, were committed to prison by the then Vicechancellor, who presently sent news of this seditious sermon abetted, as he informed, by severall grave Diuines, to ye Court, upon wcb Knight was sent for out of his prison here at Oxon, and committed upon a slight examinacon by ye Ld Keeper Williams to ye Gate-house, Herbert and Code remaining Prisoners here behind; and order was sent down that all studyes should be search't for Paræus' his Commentary at Oxon & Cambridge & burn't here at Oxford, at Cambridge, & at Paul's Crosse, wch was accordingly executed very vigorously (every schollar being sent for into ye Publick Hall, & ye keys of theyre studyes* demanded & theyre studyes search't while they stayd there) about six or seven weeks after it happened that Dr Prideaux' his Month being come he accordingly waited at Court, and there being mett by ye Prince, after Charles yo 1st, D', saye's the Prince, you haue strange doing's at Oxford, seditious sermons preach't and these contriued by Graue Diuines there, to wch Dr Prideaux replyed I confesse to yo1 highnesse that a hott headed young fellow preach't a seditious sermon there, but for yo1 grave Diuines, I cannot imagine whom yor highnesse means, Oh, sayes yo Prince, one Herbert & one Code, Herbert & Code! sayes ye Dr does yr highnesse call those graue Diuines, why, Herbert is a poore Countrey-Vicar of 30 p. Annum; & for Code he is a young, debauched Master of Arts and his ffather, who is now high sheriff of Cornwall is now upon disinheriting him; Say ye so, sayes y Prince is this truth & presently fell of to other

Published in 1617. David Waengler (Graecized to Paraeus) was first a Lutheran and then a leading Sacramentary; 1548-1622.

2

John Herbert, M.A. before 1619. John Code, matr. Nov. 10, 1615. Note to Dr. Laud B. of S. Davids.' In Laud's Diary, Apr. 16, 1622, is this: 'I was with his Majesty and the Prince's Highness to give notice of Letters I received of a Treasonable Sermon Preached in Oxon Sunday Ap. 14 by one Mr. Knight of Broadgates.'

• i. e. libraries.

144

PARAEUS' THESES CONDEMNED

discourse, and presently after Herbert & Code were released', but Knight still continued in ye Gatehouse. About two yeare's after it happened that my Ld of Oxford (who wth my Lds of Southampton, & Essex had been sent ouer to ye relief of ye Netherlands) returning out of ye Low-Countryes had a Contest with yo Duke of Buckingham, upon wch he was committed to ye Tower & severall of his ffriends and officers to ye Gatehouse, and among yo rest one of his Captaines was lodged in ye prison in ye next roome to Knight's and hearing one walk up and down frequently in yt roome asked who was there & what he was, to wch Knight replyed yt he was a poore schollar & made his case known to him, with wch ioyned wth theyre often following discourses ye Captaine moved promised Knight yt if ever he was released he would remember his fellow prisoner Knight, wch happening very shortly after upon a reconciliation between yo Earle and yo Duke he was mindfull of his promise & obliged the Earle to sue to ye Ld Keeper William's for his enlargement wch ye Earle accordingly did & promised that he should trouble them no more in England but goe his Chaplain with him into ye Netherlands; to wch ye Ld Keeper easyly & readyly condiscended being much troubled yt Knight should lye so long in Prison, whom they imagin'd had been released long before & had quite forgotten, & accordingly sent for Knight & giuing him many faire words clad him in a new suit of Clothe's & furnish't him wth 20t for his pockett, and had him before ye King where he made his submission, & after went with my Ld of Oxford as his LP Chaplain oversea where, his body not able to beare so suddain a chang of Aire and Dyett after so close an imprisonment he shortly after dyed.

2

'Mr Herbert of Radley ye person before mentioned as a Cosufferer wth Code upon Knight's Account dyed ye 13th of this Instant OctobTM, & Dr Clayton preached his funerall sermon 3.'

In consequence of Knight's discourse, described by the Privy Council as a wicked sermon by one Knight, an unadvised young man,' the Vice-Chancellor was commanded to assemble the Heads, and put them in mind of the Direction sent thither some few years since by his Majesty, that those who design'd to make Divinity their Profession should chiefly apply themselves to the Studies of the Holy Scriptures, of the Councils, Fathers and ancient Schoolmen; but as for the Moderns, whether Jesuits or Puritans, they should wholly decline reading their Works,' that thereby (said James) they may bee the better enabled only to preach CHRIST crucified, which ought to be the end of their Studies.' The Bishops, assembled in London, condemned Knight's proposition as 'contrary to the Holy Scriptures,

1 The Vice-Chancellor however was first to satisfy himself as to the inclinations of opinion previously noted in them.

2 Rather, Wood elsewhere suggests, to spite his rival Laud.

3 1688. Dr. Richard Clayton. See Wood's Life and Times, ii. 125.

SOME PARLIAMENT MEN.

145

the Sense of the antient Fathers, and utterly repugnant to the Doctrine and Constitution of the Church of England.' The Oxford Doctors and Masters decreed that by the Doctrine of the Holy Scriptures it is in no Case lawful for subjects to make use of Force against their Prince.' All graduates were to take their corporal oath to condemn Paraeus' theses'. 'And that Calvin's doctrines might not revive here: An order was made at the same Convocation that the King's directions above-mentioned for the regulating of their Studies should be hung up in the College Chapels and other publick Places. And from this time Calvin's authority began to decline in the University. He was not now consulted as their Oracle.'

The Oxford Parliament of 1664 enacted that it is not lawful, on any pretence whatsoever, to take up arms against the King; and the University again in 1683 published a decree inculcating NonResistance, while condemning the Leviathan. This decree was burned by order of the House of Lords in 1709, but was reprinted in 1710 in answer to Hoadly's Original of Government.

Some Broadgates men who sate in Jacobean parliaments were WILLIAM CARNSEWE, Fellow of All Souls (Camelford, 1597, 1601); ROBERT SANDERSON, Viscount Castleton's brother (? West Looe, 1588); SIR PHILIP KIGHLEY (Evesham, 1604); CHARLES THYNNE (New Lymington, 1614; Westbury, 1628); his brother, SIR HENRY, entered the same day; their father was Sir John Thynne of Longleat; JOHN TREFUSIS (Truro, 1621). JOHN PERROT, son of Sir John Perrot, Lord Deputy of Ireland, was brother of Sir James, an opposition leader under James I.

1 The first proposition censured was this: 'That it is lawful for Bishops and Pastors with the Consent of the Church, to deliver wicked and unjust Magistrates to Satan.' Three others asserted that when a Chief Magistrate forces his subjects upon blasphemy or manifest idolatry, or 'commits an open Rape, as it were, upon Privilege and Property,' he is to be treated like a highwayman, in the Character of one that goes on the Road' (Salmon).

6

L

CHAPTER XIII.

FOUNDATION OF PEMBROKE COLLEGE.

BETWEEN 1605 and 1612 a surprising increase in the numbers at Broadgates is observable. In 1605 it comes last but two with forty members. The census taken in the vacation of 1612 shows it seventh of twenty-four with a hundred and thirty-one members'. Yet the numbers matriculating had rather fallen off. In those eight years seventeen entered as armigeri filius,' twenty-six as 'generosi filius,' one as 'militis filius,' one as 'mercatoris filius' (he paid fees as a gentleman), eleven as clerici filius,' and thirty-three as plebeii filius.' The designation of clerical parentage is always noticeable, 'Verbi ministri filius' in Elizabeth's reign passes into 'clerici' under James, that into 'sacerdotis' under Charles I, reverting to 'ministri' in the Commonwealth time and till 1676. Thenceforward 'clerici ' was used.

In 1619 Summaster's long principality ended and Budden's short one followed. Dr. Thomas Clayton succeeded in 1620. He at once took in hand the expansion of the buildings. The College possesses a duodecimo, presented in 1795 by Sir Hugh Palliser, containing a list of subscribers. The first page is headed Evv ee; on the next is this: 'We whose names here follow in this booke, in our love to learning, the University, and particularly to Broadgates Hall in Oxford, weh needeth enlargement of the Hall for meeting at Commons, Disputations, &c., as also some lodgings for Students, do contribute as followethJuly 15, 1620. Thos. Clayton, Principall, xxli to be paid presently towards the providing of materialls. Who promiseth his best care for the disposing of all to the best use of the house, and account to the Contributors of the employment of all the money which shall come by their love and bounty. Thomas Clayton, Principall.' The other

1 Wood's Life and Times, O. H. S., iv. 151. The larger bodies were Queen's (267), Magdalen (246), Christ Church (240), Brasenose (227), Exeter (206), and Magdalen Hall (161). The total membership of the University was, in 1605, 2254, and in 1612, 2930.

LAST DAYS OF BROADGATES HALL.

147 names, forty-eight in number, include the right honorable my Lady Viscountesse' [Lucy] Doncaster (wife of James Hay Lord Doncaster, afterwards Earl of Carlisle) 'five peices' (£5 10s.); 'Sr William Spencer, Knight of the Bathe to Prince Charles, sonne and Heire of the Right Honorable Lord Spencer,' 44s.; Lady Penelope Spencer, 445.; Sir Richard Anderson, of Pendley, Herts (whose son Robert entered the College in 1625), 445.; the noble Lady Mary Anderson, 225.; Sir Thomas Wrothe, 'sometymes Scholler to the Principall,' 40s. (he was a Rumper, and on the commission for the trial of the King, but did not act); Mr. Robert Nedham, 'of Shavington, in the countye of Salope,' 22s. (his son Robert, third Viscount Kilmorey, entered the College in 1625); Mrs. Margaret Washington, 11S.; Richard Astley, Warden of All Souls, 33s. Most of the entries are autograph, followed by the signatures. The most interesting is, 'Aprilis 270, 1623°, Johannes Pym, Armiger, de Brimore in comitat Somerset, quondam Aulae Lateportensis Commensalis, donavit 44s. Jo: Pym.' Out of these moneys the transverse portion of the old dining-hall, which is shaped like a rather crooked T, was added. The plan of erecting new chambers for students was swallowed up in a larger transformation. What I find it difficult to explain is the language used by the orators at the inauguration of Pembroke College in 1624. They speak of 'nostras utroque cornu nutantes jam diu fortunas.' Some Principals took Halls merely to provide themselves with a house, and encouraged leakage of students'. But in Clayton's first year the entries rose from three to twentynine. He attracted to the Hall men of intellect like Browne, and men of family like Sir Anthony Hungerforde. Both these came up in 1623.

6

The incorporation and endowment of the oldest of the Halls' as a new College, in the year 1624, is a somewhat curious story. 1 The Rev. Andrew Clark writes to me: 'Clayton seems to have been a man of substance, and had his professorship and, I suppose, his practice. If he wished to empty the Hall, so that he should have no trouble, he could have done much in four years. See what Wood says about St. Alban Hall (Life, i. 402; ii. 19, 264), and Gloucester Hall (ii. 398; iii. 1). Of course Clayton as a Head of a College with endowment became a very different person, and was no doubt much pleased to push Pembroke on. I have in my mind a general statement by Wood that the decay of the Halls was due to the practice of appointing to the Headship of them Professors, who turned the Hall into a house for their families. A Hall, owing to the absence of persons attached to it by endowment, had a very precarious existence. If the resident M.A.'s moved, their servitors, who made up the undergraduate element, would have to move also. See an exodus from St. Alban Hall, Wood's Life, ii. 468.'