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LAURENCE KEPEHARME.

II

I cannot find evidence that they were akin to one another. Is it fanciful to suppose that this was a very true and faithful friend, and one who would fain once have been more than friend? The Segryms and Kepeharmes were for centuries the two leading burgher families of St. Aldate's parish, and doubtless, whether as friends or enemies, kept up a rivalry of state and dignity, the Kepeharmes having their mansion on the north', the Segryms on the south, of the church. Certainly they vied in their gifts to Holy Church. In Stephen's reign (1135-1154) a Kepeharme and a Segrym were aldermen or provosts of a hundred together. Laurence Kepeharme who wedded Christiana Pady, and Richard Segrym who procured her to be prayed for, were about of an age and brought into intimate connexion, witnessing deeds together more than once. Were one weaving an old tale out of guesses, it might be surmised the one had been the successful, the other the unsuccessful suitor. Christiana was buried in the priory church about 12502. Richard also had an obit there 3.

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1 Benedict father of another Laurence (c. 1220-30) granted to St. Frideswyde's 'totam curiam illam que est retro domum que fuit Chiere Judee in venella (que vocatur Kepeharm Lane) que est ante domum meam.' Kepeharme Lane or Twychen seems to have been the now obscured continuation of the yard of the New Inn. Wood says it ended in Pennyfarthing (now Pembroke) Street.

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It is not easy to make out any circumstances relating to Christiana Pady's second husband Jordan Ruffy. He was provost with Peter son of Torald in John Pady's mayoralty (Wood MS. D. 2, foll. 199, 222, 223). There are a number of persons called Rufus or le Rus or Rubeus (Redhead), as Hugh (c. 1220-30; another tenanted Culverd Hall, 1275), son of Stephen; Adam son of Hugh; Roger a fuller (c. 121028), William de Burgesete (c. 1220-30); Laurence (c. 1247), provost with Robert Minhot or Mingnote, of whom hereafter (Wood MS. D. 2, foll. 196, 214, 375),— these two witnessed an agreement in Peter Torald's mayoralty, between Richard of Dorchester and Richard son of Richard Segrym, about Elias Winter's land in 'Suthbriggestreete' (fol. 161);—Albert (c. 1250-60); Adela (c.1260-70). A Master Adam Rufus studied under Grostête, who addressed to him, before 1210, a treatise on the nature of angels, desiring him to inquire diligently the opinions of the wise with whom he may converse. Grostête mentions him, about 1237, as 'Friar Adam Rufus of good memory,' formerly his beloved pupil and friend (Grey Friars in Oxford, ed. Little, Oxford Historical Society, p. 179). He is mentioned c. 1215 at Wood MS. D. 2, fol. 517. Another Franciscan, a Lector, was Richard Rufus, or le Ruys, of Cornwall, who commented on the Sentences, and was a Master, probably of Arts (ibid. fol. 142), and also B.D. He went from Oxford to Paris in 1253 to lecture, and on his return was regent-master of the Friars. Adam Marsh praised him highly, but Roger Bacon denounced in the most unsparing

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BURGHER FAMILIES.

terms the evil influence of the erroneous subtleties which 'Ricardus Cornubiensis, famosissimus apud stultam multitudinem' had made popular. Simon le Rous was juror of Wolvercote in 1301 (City Documents, ed. Rogers, p. 160).

There is nothing unusual in Richard Segrym styling Christiana by her maiden name, though twice a widow. George Heriot's wife, ex. gr., in 1612, had on her grave in St. Gregory's, 'Hic Alicia Primrose jacet,' though she is also called Heriot in the inscription.

Wood says of the Kepeharmes: 'People they were in their times of great repute and wealth, and bore the cheife office of magistracy of this corporation for divers yeares' (City, i. 199). The following stemma can be made out.

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LAURENCE, Alderman; Mayor 1178. Witness with Benedict K. (Wood MS. D. 2, fol. 223); with John K. and Henry Segrim c. 1180 (fol. 486).

JOHN,

HUGH, PETRONILLA witness with John K. and Henry Segrim (fol. 370)

ROBERT,
conveys to
Priory land
and a rent in
St. Edward's,
c. 1170-80
('Gildehall')
(Ch. 161)

Alderman; bailiff c. 1181 and 1200.
His relict, Alice, alive 1204. Holds
land next what had been Ralph Pady's
mill (Ch. 162), and a great house hard
by St. Edward's churchyard (Ch. 163),
in the corner (Ch. 164), c. 1180-90.
No longer his, c. 1190-1200 (Ch. 165).
His heirs hold, c. 1230-40, a garden
next it and two adjoining houses in
St. Mary's parish, by hereditary tenure
(Ch. 358). Perhaps he is the John
'carpentarius' who (c. 1250) had held
a tenement in St. Peter-in-the-East
parish (Ch. 444). Died at Vine Hall
(his great house') (Ch. 171), which
the Priory, c. 1215-25, demise to his

son

LAURENCE

BENEDICT,

a rich burgess, lay-
brother of St. Frides-
wyde's (Wood, City,
ii. 166), conveys to
Priory Trill Mill, c.
1180 (Ch. 192, 193),
and a court in Kepe-
harme's Twychen, in
front of his house,
where afterwards two
small houses were
built, c. 1220-30 (Ch.
275).
This was in
St. Aldate's parish
(Ch. 274). He was
alderman 1224, 5, 8.

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Wood gives Benedict as Laurence's father, but in a note (City, i. 200) says, on the evidence of Charter 171, that he was the son of John. No doubt John's son had not only an uncle but a second cousin of his name. The Laurence who married Christiana Pady deceased before 1230. But we find a Laurence Kepeharme witnessing the grant of Hart Hall to the prioress of Studley at Michaelmas 1267. (See Registrum Collegii Exoniensis, ed. Boase, O. H. S. p. 284).

There was a Robert (son of John), one of the jurors of St. Aldate's in 1297 (City Documents, ed. Rogers, Oxford Historical Society, p. 151), who had a tenement outside East Gate in 1295 (Wood MS. D. 2, fol. 367),-the name occurs a hundred years later in several deeds,—and John his son, of whom Aaron and Vives the Jews

BURGHER FAMILIES.

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held in 1279 (Collect. ii. 305); alive 1318. Also a second Hugh and Petronilla. Wood certainly confuses the two couples, for he says of the earlier Petronill (City, i. 199) that she gave St. Frideswyde's a messuage which she had from Roger Pilet in St. Mildred's parish, whereas the grant is dated 35 Henry III (1250-1, Charter 622; see Wood MS. D. 2, fol. 527). From a Charter (621) dated c. 1240-50 it appears her husband was then dead. One John Kepeharme is described as her heir A.D. 1319 (Ch. 625; see also 194). There was a John who helped witness the conveyance of Hart Hall in 1267, together with William Kepeharme, a burgher, to whom were leased, c. 1255-60, two messuages in St. Aldate's, between the land of Roger the Spicer on the south and that of Keyna daughter of Mosse, the Jewess, on the north. He had a wife Joan, daughter of Henry Perle, and issue (Ch. 293). Of the same date also are Walter, and Robert who married Sibyll. These Kepeharmes were all for the most part wealthy burgesses, Whome to enumerate with their pious gifts to the Church would now perhaps seem taedious' (Wood, City, i. 200). Wood traces the fortunes of their house, from them called Kepeharme Hall, and of ' tenementum Kepeharme, Henxsey Hall in le Fish Street in parochia S. Aldati,' frequented afterwards by Welsh legists. It stood really in Kepeharme Lane, which was also called Hinxsey Lane, and next it in the same lane was Gloucester Hall, to the east. There was also a Kepeharme Hall for scholars next the old 'Angel' (City, i. 130). As for Christiana Pady's first husband, if there is no mistake in the date of Charter 102 (Wigram), Leberd or Grip Hall was conveyed to him as early as c. 1170-80. Wood however says that Laurence when a boy was 'in the year 1180, or about then, perhaps soon afterwards,' about the time that the saint's reliques were translated, miraculously restored to life at the shrine of St. Frideswyde's, after being cut by a clumsy chirurgeon for the stone (City, ii. 166). The name frequently occurs in the charters. Laurence and 'Xpina' convey, c. 1200-10, to Simon Rok two selds in All Saints' parish hard by St. Edward's Lane (Ch. 372). Henry Bodyn, c. 1220, conveys to Laurence, for a pound of cummin yearly, a strip of land in All Saints', next the house of Richard the man of God, the light before whose windows is not to be disturbed or minished. Laurence was to give his wife, the lady Gunnore, three ells of burnet for a cloak (Ch. 384, 385). This and divers properties in the Jewry in St. Aldate's (Ch. 261) he bequeathed to the Priory. About 1220 John of Bletchingdon ratifies the gift by Laurence of four properties in St. Mildred's, and several in St. Aldate's and St. Michael's Southgate, including the Synagogue, once Sagar Poy's. We find him (c. 1210–20) confirming to Ralph the Miller (Ralph Pady?) a conveyance of land in St. Frideswyde's parish (Ch. 110). About 1280-90 John Sowy the Goldsmith quit-claims to the Priory of all right in the properties within and without the town which once belonged to Laurence Kepharm.' Laurence held also of the Priory land in St. Michael's Northgate (Ch. 469), before 11901200. Together with his father, John Kepeharme, and Henry son of Segrym, he witnessed in 1194 the gift by Hugh de Malannay to St. John's Hospital of lands received by Hugh from John Earl of Mortain (King John). See also Charter 728.

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CHAPTER II.

LEGISTS-ST. ALDATE'S CHURCH.

FROM a very early period a number of hostels for students of law, owned for the most part by religious houses, were clustered round St. Aldate's Church. The principal of these, whether called Segrym's or Broadgates Hall, was an appendage of St. Frideswyde's Priory, the original cradle of the University of Oxford. Founded as a nunnery in the eighth century, 'St. Frids' was broken up in the Danish wars, and the buildings, after some vicissitudes of occupation by regulars and seculars (the latter described by William of Malmesbury as clerks'), were assigned in Henry I's reign to a priory of Austin Canons ('canonists' Huber1 calls them) placed there by Roger Bishop of Sarum. Hutten says that the place had been given by the Conqueror to the Abingdon monks, but they, perceiving it to be ruinous, gave it to Roger. In these quiet cloisters and those of Oseney Abbey, founded as an offshoot of St. Frideswyde's in 1129, we shall find the earliest Oxford schools, though neither house, Mr. Lyte remarks, ever attained great celebrity as a place of education. Here Thibaut d'Estampes taught secular studies' about 1118, and in 1133 Robert Pullein came from Paris and lectured in the Holy Scriptures. Another Biblical scholar was Robert of Cricklade, Prior of St. Frideswyde's. But arts and theology had a powerful rival at hand. The tradition of the famous law schools of Rome, Constantinople, and Berytus had never quite disappeared 2, and was now to be quickened into new life by an accident and by the needs of an age in

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1 Huber supposes they were clerks united again after the storms of the Conquest for fresh scholastic activity; and he asks, was this a regular college even before

A. D. IIII?

2 In 804 a school at York is described by Alcuin, where instruction was given not only in grammar and rhetoric, but also in law. A century earlier St. Bonitus of Auvergne is said to have been grammaticorum imbutus initiis, necnon Theodosii edoctus decretis.' Lanfranc, born at Pavia A.D. 1089, is described as 'ab annis puerilibus eruditus in scholis liberalium artium et legum secularium ad suae morem patriae.'

STUDY OF CIVIL LAW.

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which the priesthood was no longer the only profession needing special training, and the knowledge of law, kept alive in dark ages by the clergy, was henceforth to have separate students and professors. About the year 1135 the Justinian Pandects were discovered at Amalfi. In 1149 a master from Lombardy, Vacarius, came with other civilians and a library of law books to decide the controversies between Archbishop Theobald and Bishop Henry de Blois, the pope's legate, into whose place Theobald had been put through the influence of Beket, himself a student of law at Bologna. Arriving in Oxford Vacarius introduced the study of Roman jurisprudence to crowded lecture rooms. King Stephen, jealous of Italian influences and of the supplanting of the ancient customs of Church and Realm by a foreign code, silenced him and forbade the possession of books on civil law. At Paris also it was suppressed. But the new learning was spreading rapidly over Europe, and having crossed the narrow seas was not easily expelled. In days when clerks everywhere formed one great guild, and when though there were no conveniences there was much hunger for learning, ideas ran from land to land like wildfire. To reverse Adam Smith's saying, a scholar was then of all kinds of luggage the easiest to be transported. The tendency of things moreover, both in Church and State, was towards codification and centralization. In England, Stephen's successors, especially Edward I, were attracted by the unifying and imperialist ideas of the Roman system. The Church, after the publication in 1140 of Gratian's Decretals, discovered that the civil might be made ancillary to the canon law. By the end of the twelfth century the civil law was dominant at Oxford, and Vacarius' suppressed work, the Liber Pauperum, had become the leading text-book of the University, giving to the students of law their name of Pauperists.

The extent to which this study had encroached on divinity and the seven liberal arts is illustrated by the history of Emo, afterwards Abbot of Bloomkap, and his brother Addo, two young Frisians, who after 'hearing and glossing' at Paris and Orleans came in 1190 to Oxford, eager to apply themselves to the 'studium commune litterarum.' This consisted of the Trivium (grammar, logic and rhetoric) and the Quadrivium (arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy). They were however quickly convinced that a knowledge of Roman law would be more to their advantage, or, as we should say in modern educational parlance, would pay best. Our examination statutes, like an ever-changing cloud, shift and melt and elude the clasp. But that simpler time also had its fashions and experiments, its discarded ideals

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