treaty been fully carried into effect? The right hon. gentleman said it had been acted upon. Yes, by us; but had it been acted upon by the other powers? If so, produce it, and let that fact be shown. What objection could there possibly be to let parliament have the substance of the treaty? Mr. Tierney was not aware that the right hon. gentleman had entered into any explanation on the subject. Had he said any thing of the number of men to be furnished by this country? Mr. Bathurst replied, that he had offered to the hon. mover, before he brought forward his motion, to produce the substance of the convention, and he had just repeated that offer on his legs. Mr. Tierney said, that he had not understood it so; but that the declaration of the right hon. gentleman was quite sufficient. He would therefore sit down, to listen to the way in which the communication was to be made. be removed by giving to some officers of the British army an authority similar to that formerly enjoyed by the marquis of Granby and the duke of York. With respect to his hon. friend's motion, he could see no difficulty in making a return to it. It was for copies of any engagement that had been entered into by his Majesty with foreign powers. Now the Mr. Bathurst said, across the table, that right hon. gentleman had acknowledged he had stated in his speech his readiness that such an engagement had been made, to afford that which would be fully explaand that it had been ratified by this coun-natory of the treaty in question. try. Why not produce it? It was important to do so, because the return would necessarily be accompanied by a statement of the reasons which had occasioned his Majesty to be the only one of the contracting parties by whom the treaty had been ratified. To him it appeared to be highly indecorous for ministers to talk of the employment of British troops under a foreign power, without having put parliament in possession of any document on the subject. It was highly injurious, he believed it was unprecedented, for parliament to recognize such an application of British troops without any previous communication from the crown. It was, besides, highly desirable to know the precise engagement stated in the convention. What was the number of troops to be furnished by Great Britain? Some said 40,000, others 50,000. By a third set it was rumoured that 75,000 men was the number to be furnished; with this condition, that if a fewer number were sent, the deficiency should be supplied in money, at the rate of 281. a man. Would the House submit to be kept in ignorance of the facts? He allowed that Belgium was to us a most interesting country. But was it a sufficient answer to all inquiries to say, that our troops were employed there, without producing any details of the conditions of their service? He could not see why the treaty had not been ratified. It was curious to hear the right hon. gentleman say, that because all the secretaries of state of Europe had been assembled together, that a delay has arisen in the completion of this instrument! If their absence had occasioned confusion and blundering, that would have been perfectly intelligible; but as it was, he confessed his astonishment that the ratification had not taken place in half an hour. It was material to know if the money to be furnished by us was employed for the common interest, or for the particular objects of particular powers. Had the The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that the way would be by laying before the House the substance of the convention in question. Mr. Fremantle's motion was then withdrawn. RESOLUTIONS RESPECTING PUBLIC BUSINESS.] On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, it was resolved, "That in this present session of parliament, all orders of the day, set down in the order book for Mondays and Fridays, shall be disposed of before the House will proceed upon any motions, of which notices shall be entered in the order book." RESOLUTIONS RELATING TO PRIVATE BILLS.] On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, it was resolved, 1. "That this House will not receive any petition for private Bills after Friday, the 25th day of this instant November. 2. That no private Bill be read the first time after Monday, the 6th of March next. 3. That this House will not receive any report of such private Bill after Monday, the 1st day of May next." " MILITIA.] Lord Bridport appeared at the bar with the Report of the Address to the Prince Regent. Lord Millon, before the report was brought up, wished to put some questions to the right hon. gentleman opposite, with respect to the disembodying the militia. It had always been understood, that upon the restoration of peace, the militia regiments were to be disembodied. He wished to know upon what grounds it was, that some regiments had been disembodied, while others were still kept up. This operated with peculiar severity upon some Counties, while others were exempt from the hardship. It must be recollected, that the wives and children of militia men were supported by county-rates, or by other rates, which fell equally on the county. It, therefore, now happened, that this pressure fell exclusively on some counties, and not upon others. It was also an amazing grievance to the men themselves, who had served through so long a war, and thought the moment arrived when they might rejoin their families, to find that they were still to be kept up, as if the war had still continued. Colonel Gore Langton could not let this opportunity pass, of expressing his high admiration of the conduct of the officers and men of the regiment of militia which he had the honour to command, who, after twelve years service, being called again from their native country, marched with an alacrity which did them the greatest honour, to the discharge of another service. He hoped and trusted that ministers would take the earliest opportunity of convincing the militia, that it was not intended to keep them embodied a moment longer than was possible; for the continuance of some of the regiments in service had excited a strong sensation among them. Mr. Bathurst said, that with respect to the legal part of the noble lord's observations, it must be remembered, that though we were at peace with one power, we were not at peace with all; and that therefore, if the service of the country required it, government was fully justified in keeping embodied as many regiments of the militia as seemed necessary. If it were not necessary to keep the whole embodied, how were those counties, whose regiments were retained in service, injured by the other counties being relieved from the burthen? Adverting to what had fallen from the hon. colonel who had so distinguished himself in his command of a militia regiment, he readily acknowledged that nothing could be more creditable than the conduct of the regiment which that hon. gentleman commanded; and declared, that his Majesty's ministers were anxious to take the first opportunity of which their duty would permit them to avail themselves, to effect the reduction of the militia altogether. Lord Milton observed, that the preambles of the Militia Bills ran, " Whereas it is expedient, as a defence against invasion." Now, really, he did not suppose there was any apprehension of our being invaded by America. The Report of the Address was then brought up, and agreed to. In answer to a question from Mr. Tierney, respecting the Army Extraordinaries, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that he proposed to bring forward to-morrow the general account of the bills drawn on the treasury; but he apprised the right hon. gentleman that the account could only be very general, and that it was impossible, at this early period, to furnish the items or details. Mr. Tierney apprehended, from what he had just heard, that there was no probability of knowing whether any mode could be adopted of furnishing a complete account of the military expenditures occasioned by the war on the continent, which might be taken as the winding-up of the business. The Chancellor of the Exchequer rejoined, that he thought this would be utterly impossible. ABSTRACT OF THE NET REVENUE TO 10TH OCT. 1814.] The following Paper was presented by Mr. Charles Grant, jun. ABSTRACT ABSTRACT of the NET PRODUCE of the REVENUE, in the Quarters and Years ending 10th October 1813, and 10th October 1814:-Distinguishing the Total Produce of the CUSTOMS and EXCISE. Total Produce of Excise..... £. 7,228,660 22,560,159|| 7,050,800 24,154,549 HOUSE OF LORDS. Thursday, November 10. LORD WALSINGHAM.] The Earl of Liverpool, after a short eulogium on the long and zealous services of lord Walsingham as chairman of the committees of that House, concluded by moving an Address to the Prince Regent, "humbly to represent to his Royal Highness the faithful services of lord Walsingham, as chairman of the committees of that House, and the indefatigable attention devoted by his lordship, during a period of 20 years, to the private Bills in the House, which had so essentially contributed to increase the character of the proceedings of the House, and eminently to benefit the subject; and to pray that some mark of acknowledgment might be conferred upon lord Walsingham for such services, he having, by infirmity, been compelled to retire from the situation of chairman of the committees." This Address, after a few words from the lord Chancellor and earl Fitzwilliam, expressive of their approbation of the services of lord Walsingham, was agreed to nem. dis. THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY APPOINTED CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES.] The Earl of Liverpool, after a few observations, urging the fitness of the earl of Shaftesbury to fill the situation of chairman of committees, from whose ability and zealous attention already displayed in that office during a considerable part of last session, there was every reason to believe he would be eminently calculated to fulfil the duties of it, concluded by moving "That the earl of Shaftesbury be appointed chairman of the committees of that House."—Ordered; and also on the motion of the earl of Liverpool, "That the earl of Shaftesbury do take the chair in all committees of the House, and in all select committees, unless any such committee should be specially empowered to chuse their own chairman.' HOUSE OF LORDS. THE MILITIA.] The order for summoning their lordships, upon the motion of earl Fitzwilliam respecting the Militia, being read, Earl Fitzwilliam rose, and adverting to the value and importance of the militia establishment, illustrated the necessity of guarding it with peculiar jealousy. The several statutes which the legislature in its wisdom bad enacted upon this subject, afforded, he observed, ample evidence of its solicitude to preserve that great constitutional force from any sort of violation, to prevent any perversion of it from the original objects of its institution. Those objects were, therefore, clearly defined by the law; and to apply the militia to any purpose not within the contemplation of that law, would, he apprehended, naturally claim the attention of parliament. Looking to the law in order to understand its letter and spirit, he was led to conclude, that there were only four cases in which it was provided that the militia should be called out or embodied: these four cases were invasion, imminent danger, insurrection, and actual rebellion; and he held, that if the militia were embodied in any other case, the law was directly violated. What then was to be thought of keeping the militia embodied at a time when none of the cases described could be said to exist? Under such circumstances, he decidedly thought that, according to law, no part of the militia could be embodied. This he ventured to lay down as a position sustained by the contents of the different statutes applicable to the question. Upon ! what ground the keeping of the militia embodied at present could be justified, he was wholly at a loss to conceive, peace being restored in Europe; and in the present state of the country, he could not suppose that any of the cases he had mentioned could be alleged to exist. It was not stated that there was any such serious apprehension of danger from abroad as these cases referred to, and it could not be pretended that the country was in any degree disturbed. He, indeed, felt himself warranted in asserting that neither of these cases did exist, and therefore he maintained, that keeping the militia embodied was in direct violation of the law. Having said so much as to the law upon this subject, the noble earl proceeded to animadvert upon the grievances occasioned by embodying the militia. The circumstances of the men who were thus compelled to remain in a military establishment, were, he felt, peculiarly deserving of consideration. How many peasants and tradesmen, originally forced to enter the militia, were, by continuing the establishment, denied the happiness they had promised themselves of returning to their homes and families upon the conclusion of peace! How many of that description were thus excluded from the enjoyment of their domestic comforts, which were no doubt comparatively few, but still they were the comforts of their condition, and the disappointment must be felt by them with aggravated severity! But the mortification of these deserving persons who had already devoted a great part of their lives to the public service, was not the only grievance created by keeping the militia embodied; for the several townships of every county were aggrieved through their obligation to maintain the wives and families of such militia-men as were retained in service. Thus the counties whose militia regiments remained embodied, were encumbered with the maintenance of the wives and families of the men whose industry was rendered unavailable for the benefit of these counties, while, bye-the-bye, ministers had thought proper, in disbanding some regiments, wholly to exempt from such burthens the counties to which these regiments belonged. The noble earl concluded with moving" for a return of the militia regiments which had been disbanded, and the time when the orders for disbanding them were issued, together with a return of the militia regiments which were still embodied." Viscount Sidmouth said, that as the orders referred to on the motion of the noble earl, were issued from the office in which he had the honour to preside, he felt it necessary to address some observations to their lordships upon the subject. The noble earl had truly stated, that it had formed a part of the considerate wisdom of the legislature to make various provisions for the maintenance and application of our militia establishment. But in adverting to the several acts which, with regard to our great constitutional force, the policy of the legislature had thought proper to adopt as restrictions upon the prerogative of the crown respecting martial law, the noble earl had omitted to mention a case to which that force was rendered available, tended to relieve the counties to which the embodied regiments belonged, by defraying the expense of such maintenance from the public funds of the country. The noble viscount repeated, that under all the circumstances of our situation, it was found necessary to continue some of the militia embodied. The public exi. gency called for that proceeding, and unless some measure could be devised, equally expeditious and efficient, to keep up the public force of the country to the standard rendered necessary by that exigency, that proceeding could not be properly dispensed with; but he could assure the House, that the proceeding would not be continued longer than the exi to exist. To the motion of the noble earl he did not propose to make any objection; but he thought it necessary to assure the noble earl and the House, that as to the regiments disbanded, no partial spirit, no undue influence whatever, had any operation, the application of the order to any particular regiments being in fact a mere matter of accident, before it was found necessary to prevent its general extension-before his Majesty's government saw the propriety, from peculiar circumstances, of forbearing from any further reduction of our means of domestic defence, or of provision for the supply of our foreign exigencies. namely, the recruiting of our regular army. But the authority of the crown was not, even independently of that case, by any means so limited as the noble earl appeared to think; for history afforded numerous instances in which the militia had been called out and embodied, when neither of the four cases existed which the noble earl had described. But it could not be disputed, that in a state of war the sovereign was legally entitled to call out and embody the militia of the country for its own defence. Such, indeed, had always been the universal understanding; and there was not a single clause in any of the acts upon the subject, to negative the power of the crown to call out the militia upon the existence of danger. He, how-gency which suggested it should continue ever, was free to admit, that the militia were not to continue embodied after that danger had ceased; but to determine upon that cessation was left to the discretion of the executive, no doubt to a grave responsibility as to the exercise of that discretion. So much with respect to the law upon this subject; and then as to the grievances and disappointments complained of by the noble earl, who were they by whom that complaint could be consistently preferred? The balloted man was still entitled to his discharge at the end of five years, for which he was originally bound to serve; and as to the substitute, he was engaged to serve for years, or so long as the regiment in which he enlisted con- Lord Grenville thought it proper to aftinued embodied. Such were the terms ford the noble Secretary an opportunity of his oath. What contract, then, was of setting himself right, if he had not violated with these men by the plan to correctly understood the purport of his continue the militia establishment em- observations. But first, with respect to bodied? They had in fact no reason- the law upon this subject. Before be able ground of complaint in being re- came to the House he had great doubts as tained in the service, while the country to the legality of the proceeding of miunhappily remained in a state of war. nisters, in ordering the militia to continue The legality of so retaining them could embodied, notwithstanding the conclusion not, he was convinced, be consistently of peace in Europe; and these doubts, inquestioned. In this, therefore, he totally stead of having been removed or shaken, differed from the noble earl, while he fully were, he must confess, considerably concurred with him in regretting the hard-strengthened by what had fallen from the ships alluded to; but these hardships arose noble Secretary of State. If, then, the out of the necessity created by the pub-ground stated by that noble lord were lic exigency, which he alleged to exist, and to require the suspension of the order for disembodying the militia. With regard to the grievance mentioned by the noble earl, respecting the maintenance of the wives and families of such militia-men as continued embodied, he had the satisfaction of informing the noble earl and the House, that this point had been considered by ministers, and that it was in those only upon which it was proposed to |