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HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, February 10.

DUTIES ON IMPORTS.] The Earl of Lauderdale moved for the production of an account of all duties imposed on foreign articles imported into Great Britain, with the exception of corn, and a specification of the different Acts under which such duties were laid. His lordship then made a few observations respecting the state of our foreign commerce, which he seemed to think called for serious inquiry. He then slightly adverted to the subject of corn, and glanced at the advantages possessed by certain countries abroad, particularly France, for the growth of that article: and this he also thought a proper subject for inquiry. With respect to the corn committee, however, he wished to say, for himself, and he believed for the generality of the members who composed that committee, that no intention existed to move for a renewal of it this session. The question was then put on the noble earl's motion, as above, and the statement was ordered to be produced accordingly.

NAVAL ADMINISTRATION.] The Earl of Darnley, in calling the attention of the House again to this subject, and certain topics connected therewith, moved for the production of a variety of farther documents, which he deemed necessary for the due illustration of the whole; such as accounts of the naval force employed on the lakes of Canada; copy of the minutes of the court-martial held on captain Barclay, as far as relates to the same; the number of ships of war taken and destroyed during the war with America; copies of correspondence respecting the sale of cerLain frigates, which were sent out in frames to the river St. Lawrence; and lastly, for copies of petitions from British subjects, complaining that sufficient protection had not been afforded to the trade of the United Kingdom.

Viscount Melville seemed to entertain no objection to the production of the far greater part of the documents moved for by the noble earl, particularly such as related to the province of the admiralty; but a part of what was called for lay with the business of other departments.

The Earl of Darnley, in explanation, observed, that a considerable part of what he had moved for had been communicated to the House of Commons. The subject was one which he considered as of vital

importance to the country, and such as called for serious inquiry, notwithstanding the circumstance in which it now stood. He came forward merely from a sense of public duty, as he thought there was gross misconduct in the naval department, and in that view he thought every practicable information should be given. To any proper alteration in the wording of his motions on the part of the noble viscount, he had no objection. He then said he should bring the subject regularly under their lordships consideration on that day se'nnight, for which day he moved their lordships should be summoned.-Ordered.

COURT MARTIAL ON COLONEL QUENTIN.] The Earl of Egremont stated, that he had only refrained yesterday from calling the attention of the House to a notorious transaction which had arisen out of a late court martial, in the hope that some person more capable of doing justice to the subject would have taken it up. Being disappointed, however, in this expectation, he now thought it his duty to mention the matter without further delay. He should, indeed, have deferred what he had to say until he could submit a motion which it was his intention to bring forward on the subject, had he not felt that the very first opportunity ought to be seized, to call their lordships attention to the matter. Though the power of the crown in military matters was perhaps, in some respects, so absolute that it could hardly be considered as analogous to the spirit of the British constitution, yet he did not mean to find fault with it when it was fairly and openly exercised; but it was capable of being exercised in a way which would corrupt the very sources of justice. What were the circumstances of the case which had occasioned the transaction to which he alluded? A gentleman had been called upon on the part of the crown to stand forward as a prosecutor, and stood pledged to bring under the notice of parliament a case, which if any case could do it, was one that might have justified its interference, and what had happened in consequence was well known. He now spoke, not with a view to the past, but with reference to the future, and especially with reference to a court-martial now depend. ing. With his impression of the importance of the matter, he could not help earnestly recommending it to ministers to take such measures as would prevent the

recurrence of such dangerous and mischievous examples. This was a duty imposed upon them by their situations, and one which demanded their most serious attention.

Viscount Melville said, that the subject to which the noble earl alluded had not escaped the attention of ministers, and he had now to inform the noble earl and their lordships, that ministers had taken such steps as the circumstances appeared to them to call for.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, February 10.

BLEACHING POWDER.] Mr. Finlay presented a Petition from Charles Tennant and Co. manufacturers of oxymuriat of lime, commonly called bleaching powder, at Glasgow, complaining of the want of those advantages arising from the draw back on salt, which the manufacturers of other bleaching materials possessed. The hon. member moved, that the several Acts be read by which this drawback was allowed, and also that, on Wednesday next, such part of the said Act as grants the drawback on salt, be referred for consideration and revision to a committee of the whole House.

Mr. Lushington opposed the proposition. During the last session he had brought in a Bill to impose contravening duties on the Irish manufacture connected with the present subject; but it had been afterwards represented by those concerned in Ireland, that the new duty imposed by far exceeded the alleged advantage which they were said to possess. A notice had last night been given, with the view of referring the whole matter to a committee up stairs. That would be the only proper mode of coming to a fair consideration of the English, Irish, and Scotch interests, which appeared at issue in the business. Let the House await their report, and then, with full information before them, decide upon the subject.

Mr. Horner thought the injustice which had been done to these original and undisputed inventors of the oxymuriat of lime, the superiority of which to other bleaching materials had been acknowledged, and which was universally used in Lancashire, Scotland, and Ireland, was so great, that it should be remedied without delay. In Ireland any person might manufacture the oxymuriat of lime in that kingdom, to supply the manufactures, duty free,

while the original inventors could not import it without paying duty.

Sir J. Newport said, that where manifest injustice was done by an Act, and where it had wrought great evil, there could be no question that it ought not to be suffered to exist during the session. The Act should not be suffered to increase its evil while they were deliberating upon the mode of altering it. The right hon. baronet contended that the proper course would be at once to annul the Act, and subsequently to consider what substitute, they should adopt.

Mr. Robinson said, that so far as the question bent upon the claims of individuals, he had to state, in reply to what had fallen from the hon. and learned gentleman, that the invention was disputed by a company in Ireland; therefore a greater necessity existed for an inquiry by a select committee, who could do justice to all claiming participation in the invention.

Mr. Finlay said, that the petitioners were paying duties to a large extent, while other persons were paying no duty at all. He was perfectly satisfied that they were the inventors, and that they had been nearly ruined by the manufacturers in Ireland paying no duty. He contended that the measure which he proposed was only an act of common justice, and he trusted that the House would not refuse to adopt it.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer opposed the motion, on the ground that it was a select committee alone, which could thoroughly investigate the subject.

Lord Archibald Hamilton thought it the duty of the House to take the petition into their serious consideration.

Mr. Ponsonby said, that the Bill which he brought in during the last session related to a different subject, consequently the repeal of that Act would not go to the root of the measure which the hon. member had in view. He would not say, however, that it might not be necessary to hear witnesses upon the subject. The hon. gentleman had proposed a select committee, and he had no objection to it.

Mr. Lushington said, that the motion of the hon. gentleman was to give the manufacturers a repeal of the duties upon drawback; but all parties should be put upon an equal footing. There were points upon

which the Irish and Scotch manufacturers were at variance, and therefore he should move the previous question.

The Speaker said, that a member could not, in a second speech, move any amend

ment.

Mr. Croker then rose and moved the previous question, when strangers were ordered to withdraw.-The House, however, did not divide, and the previous question was carried.

BANK RESTRICTION BILL.] Mr. Horner rose and observed, that with respect to the renewal of the Bank Restriction Act, it was a novel and injurious mode of proceeding adopted by the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to propose bringing a subject of so serious a nature before the attention of parliament without a longer notice than had been given. He understood that Monday next was appointed for the discussion of this important question; and as yet no papers connected with the subject, or any information whatever, was submitted to the House. It was, therefore, his intention to move for the production of such as would enable members to form some judgment on the state of the currency of the nation, and the issues made by the Bank of England. He conceived that an inquiry should be made into the funds of the Bank, to ascertain whether the Company would soon be capable of renewing their payment in cash. This was an inquiry in which the feelings of the public were deeply interested. But, independent of this, they should be made acquainted with the proceedings of the Bank; and although a day so early as Monday had been appointed for the purpose of considering the propriety of continuing the restriction, no papers, with the exception of one of a very inconsiderable nature, had as yet appeared on the table. How was it possible, that the House could form any accurate opinion relative to the matter? How could they learn the proceedings and conduct of the Bank for these last twelve months? The House had no accounts of the state of the Bank issues from March last to the present time, except of some particular day in November last, and there was an account presented in July for that particular time alone. It was to be remembered, that ever since the Bank restriction was under the consideration of the House, there had been a very strict watch kept over the Bank issues.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to order, on the ground that there was no question before the House.

Mr. Horner said, that he had intended to conclude with a motion, as he stated when he begun. It was very hard, that while the House was to have such scarcity of information as to the affairs of the Bank, the Chancellor of the Exchequer should throw improper obstacles in the way, when he had endeavoured to give the House timely possession of that information. The hon. and learned gentleman concluded by moving, That the papers which he had yesterday moved for, relative to the Bank issues, should be laid before the House at its sitting on Monday.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that so far from wishing to throw any obstacles in the way of the motion of the hon. and learned gentleman, he had intended to anticipate his wishes, by postponing the question for a few days, to give time for printing the papers in question. It was not the first time, however, that the hon. and learned gentleman had been dealt hardly with on the question of the Bank restriction, as all the facts which had happened since the time when that question was first agitated, had controverted the opinions of the hon. and learned gentleman.

Mr. Tierney wished to know what the Chancellor of the Exchequer would propose on Monday.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that he should propose to adjourn the consideration of the Acts to Thursday next.

Mr. Tierney thought the postponement of the question would be of advantage, though he would wish not to be understood to say that further inquiry was not necessary.

Lord A. Hamilton thought a committee to inquire into the state of the Bank was necessary, before the House could agree to prolong the restriction.

Mr. Manning said, that no hesitation or backwardness would appear on the part of the governor and company of the Bank, to submit their accounts, expenditure, and issues, to the investigation of any persons appointed by the House for that purpose.

Mr. Horner disclaimed any intention of imputing backwardness to the Bank. His charge applied to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had placed the Bank in such circumstances as to justify the complaint which he felt it his duty to prefer, when it was announced by that right hon. gentleman, on the very first day the House met, that he intended, after a short

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The motion was then agreed to.

SIR JAMES DUFF.] Mr. Whitbread inquired whether the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer was yet enabled to furnish the House with the information to which he adverted yesterday, with respect to the conduct of sir James Duff, on the subject of the Spanish fugitives surrendered at Gibraltar.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, that papers were in preparation to be laid before the House upon this subject.

Mr. H. Addington observed, that the hon. gentleman had better make a motion respecting these papers.

grain or flour. It was quite clear, that if the ports of France and Spain had an advantage which was not extended to Malta, that island could not compete with them in the Mediterranean trade. It was his intention, therefore, to propose that every article, the growth or produce of our West Indian colonies, might be exported directly in British vessels to Malta, from whence they might be distributed among the neighbouring countries. He wished also to do away with the restriction respecting a return cargo, and to allow the vessels, when they had discharged their cargoes, to sail wherever they thought proper. It might, however, be proper to restrain the importation into the West Indies of certain manufactures on the continent, which rivalled those of this country. With the exception of those, he wished an unrestrained intercourse between Malta and the West Indies. He was not at present aware of its being necessary for him to do more than give a general outline of the plan. If the com

Mr. Whitbread professed his incompetency to shape any motion, as he did not know the nature of the papers in prepara-mittee should agree to his resolutions, the tion; but when these papers were produced, he should then be enabled to see whether any motion for farther documents would be necessary.

TRADE WITH MALTA.] The House having resolved itself into a committee on the several Acts already passed, relative to the Malta trade,

House would be afterwards able to consider the details at their leisure. He should wish that raw and thrown silk from the Mediterranean, as well as wines, should be freely imported into the West Indies. There was at present a small duty, payable to the Turkey company, on all goods imported into this country from the Levant. To this duty they were entitled by their charter, and it was but small. The Turkey company was an open company, of which any man might be a member for two or three pounds. It was not on the plan of a monopoly for the advantage of a few individuals; but out of those duties they paid the expenses of the necessary establishments in the Levant. Until very lately our ambassador at Constantinople was paid by the Turkey company, and the drogomen and many inferior officers were now paid. Such were the prejudices existing, that it was perhaps better that those expenses should be borne by the Turkey company, than by the government. He was happy to be able to state that the Levant trade was lately much on the increase. The hon. gentleman concluded by moving the fol

Mr. Robinson began by observing, that any person who would look at the geographical position of Malta, in the Mediterranean, would immediately perceive, that it was a place which might become of great importance in a commercial point of view, and that it possessed many advantages which ought not to be lost sight of. Those advantages, however, which it had possessed in time of war, would be lost in time of peace, if all the ports of France and Spain were to have commercial facilities which Malta was not to have. The principal object of the resolutions which he intended to propose, was to allow a direct intercourse between our colonies in the West Indies and Malta. This might appear to be a great deviation from the general principle which regulated our colonial trade. It must be re-lowing Resolutions: collected, however, that by an existing law, vessels laden with our colonial produce were permitted to go to any port in Europe, south of Cape Finisterre, on the condition of bringing back a cargo of

1. That it is expedient to permit sugar, coffee, cocoa, rum, indigo, fustic, and other dyeing woods, melasses, pimento, and other articles the produce of any of his Majesty's sugar colonies in

America, to be exported from the said colonies to the island of Malta, or dependencies thereof, in British-built ships.

2. "That it is expedient to permit any ship importing any such articles into the said island and dependencies, to export therefrom to any of his Majesty's sugar colonies in America, corn, grain, meal, or flour, mill-timber, fruit, brimstone, quicksilver, olive oil, wine, anchovies, spunges, cork, anniseed, and other articles, upon payment of the like duties as if imported directly from Great Britain.

3. That it is expedient to permit any goods and commodities (not being probibited), being the produce or manufacture of any country or place within the Levant seas, to be imported into Great Britain from the island of Malta in British-built ships, on payment of the same duties to the Turkey company, as if imported from the place of their growth or manufacture. 4. That it is expedient to permit raw silk, or mohair yarn, the produce of any place within the dominions of the grand seignior, to be imported into the united kingdom by any person admitted into the Turkey company from the island of Malta, on payment of the like duties to the said company as if imported directly from Turkey.

5. That wine imported into the said sugar colonies in America shall be liable to the payment of the like duties as are charged on wine imported directly from the island of Madeira into the said colonies.

6. "That it is expedient to permit thrown silk, the production of Italy, Sicily, or Naples, to be imported directly from the island of Malta into Great Britain, upon payment of the like duties as if imported directly by sea from the place of its production."

Mr. Forbes inquired whether it was intended to extend the principle of this arrangement to East India produce also?

Mr. Robinson replied, that no such extension would at present be proposed, because it was thought difficult to open Malta to the East India trade, without opening that trade to all other parts of Europe. Upon that point, therefore, a difference of opinion prevailed, which would probably give rise to considerable discussion; and from that consideration he avoided the point at present, confining himself to that arrangement only upon which no objection was anticipated. The hon. gentleman concluded with observing,

that his Resolutions applied merely to such articles as were at present prohibited to the trade of Malta.

The Resolutions were agreed to, and the Report was ordered to be brought up on Monday.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Monday, February 13.

CORN LAWS.] The Earl of Hardwicke rose to present a Petition from the town of Royston, praying the House to take into consideration the state of the Corn Laws. His lordship, in allusion to what had been stated on a former night by a noble earl (the earl of Lauderdale) observed, that although the opinion of the noble earl, that the corn committee should not be revived, seemed in contradiction with an expression in that report of the committee, yet subsequent events had given the matter a different aspect from that under which it was seen at the time when that report was agreed to. Much information was then wanting, but the great importation which had taken place decisively proved the necessity of some measure to protect the agriculture of the country without farther delay, and had rendered the revival of the committee on the corn laws superfluous. He was happy to understand that the subject was in the hands of the executive government; and as the matter was in their hands, it was not his intention to propose any Bill to the House. His lordship then presented a Petition from the landholders in the neighbourhood of Royston, complaining of their oppressed state, which they conceived to have arisen from their being open to the competition of the foreign corn-growers, who were not subject to tythes, and the heavy taxation under which the agriculturists of this country laboured.-The Petition was ordered to lie on the table, as were also two other Petitions presented by the noble earl on the same subject, one of which was from the landholders in the county of Berks.

Lord Grenville rose for the purpose of submitting to their lordships a motion in some degree connected with the petitions which had been presented by the, noble earl. No man was more desirous than he was that the claims of those petitioners should receive due consideration. No man was more sensible of the difficulties under which they laboured and if he had the misfortune of differing totally from

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