had recently so much occasion to exult, our joy should be damped by the illness of a sovereign to whom the empire owed such manifold and important obligations; that our beneficent monarch should not be in a state to participate in the rejoicings of his people. It was also a cause of sorrow and disappointment that we had not yet, as we had hoped, to congratulate ourselves upon the restoration of peace to the civilized world. But this sorrow and disappointment was owing to the conduct of America. The liberal views, the pacific feelings, the high-minded generosity which distinguished the great powers who had saved Europe, had, it appeared, no influence upon the councils of the American government. To that government, therefore, the misfortune was to be attributed, that the Temple of Janus was not yet closed. That we had still an enemy to encounter, that the afflicting calamities of war were still continued, was the result of that deep-rooted hostility to the British empire, which marked the character of the government of America. This exalted example of the several powers of Europe was lost upon America, which appeared to form a focus for the seeds of discord, from which Europe was so happily relieved. Hence the prolongation of that war, notoriously originating in the unprovoked aggression of America; which aggression, too, took place at a period when this country was contending for the liberty of nations-for that liberty of which America had so long been the boasted champion. To embarrass our operations in that great contest, to prevent the success of our endeavours to restore the independence of Europe, and to avail herself of the opportunity to assert her own unjust pretensions, was obviously the object of America. Hence the fatal policy of linking herself with the fallen foe of European tranquillity: hence the perfidy of her attack upon our Canadian possessions. But there she met the fate she deserved; for her invading army was speedily compelled to return defeated and disgraced within her own frontiers, while the British standard was triumphantly hoisted in her capital; and the distinguished chief who led that triumph was gloriously prosecuting his career, when, alas! the cypress was entwined with the laurel by his gallant death, in the arms of victory. But, notwithstanding the very serious and afflicting loss, and notwithstanding the other disasters stated to have occurred to our arms, still knowing that we had the flower of the British army in America, he entertained no doubt whatever as to the ultimate result. A great part of that army had not, unfortunately, reached America in due time to take a part in the campaign; but when the season of action should arrive, when these troops, covered with laurels and inspired with the glory they had acquired on the continent of Europe, should approach the enemy under the direction of those gallant and skilful officers who had so often led them to victory, who could possibly indulge a doubt as to the event? To those who had raised the mili tary fame of England to an unprecedented height in Europe, he would confidently trust for the attainment of our objects in America. Then, as to the opening of the Congress at Vienna, he lamented its unavoidable delay; but, taking the past as the earnest of the future, he felt that he might most safely rely upon the satisfactory result of its deliberations; that he might confidently calculate that this result would produce a complete union of the family of Europe; that a sense of interest, which was the most powerful motive of human actions, would correspond with the feelings of humanity and enlightened views of justice, to guarantee the existence of general tranquillity; that mankind would be taught to lothe war, and to shrink with horror from all the calamities it engendered. That such would be the result of the Congress, was his anxious wish and confident expectation.-With regard to our commerce, the congratulation of the Speech upon its flourishing condition was calculated to give birth to feelings of the proudest patriotism. It was, indeed, peculiarly grateful to reflect upon the state of our trade, after all the frantic effusions of wild ambition, after all the splenetic denunciations and angry decrees against that trade, of which Europe had of late years heard so much. But still this trade had gone on and prospered, still the great resources of our wealth had been preserved; still this country had been enabled to kindle the dying embers of European liberty, and most materially to contribute to the overthrow of that gigantic power which, while it perpetually interrupted the peace of the continent, loudly menaced our total destruction. To repel this danger, to restore the peace and happiness of Europe, we had no doubt incurred great sacrifices and submitted to serious burthens; and from this reflection, he must lament the necessity of farther sacrifices; but still that necessity being obvious, he felt fully assured that no one would be found to object to any expenditure which the establishment of substantial tranquillity, which the attainment of complete security, imperiously called for. He concurred with his noble friend in the propriety of devoting their lordships' wisdom to the consideration of our commercial system and internal resources. After a war of such prolonged duration, after the various changes which must have taken place in our relations, there must be some evils to remedy; many new arrangements must be necessary in order to benefit our condition, to ensure our advancement, to amplify and adorn the arts of peace. To these important points he had no doubt that their lordships would deliberately apply their minds, would secure the great objects of peace, and in so doing bear in mind the first duty of a government, which might be defined in the words of the poet : to call the attention of their lordships in the course of the last session, and to which he should take the liberty of adverting again, namely, with regard to the conduct of our naval administration throughout the war with America. With the formidable naval force which this country possessed, and after the high fame which it had acquired when contending against the greatest maritime powers in Europe, it appeared very extraordinary, that in every instance in which an American vessel had contended against an English one of equal force, the former was victorious, with two exceptions only. But the extensive depredations upon our trade, even since our navy had to oppose America alone, appeared equally extraordinary. This case was of such a nature, that if no more competent person would undertake it, he should himself feel it necessary, in the course of the session, to submit to their lordships a motion for inquiry upon the subject. The noble earl animadverted upon the expression in the Speech as to the disposition of government to conclude a peace with America on just and honourable terms.' He could not conceive the precise meaning of this expression, or the motive of putting it into the mouth of the Prince Regent. It could not be supposed that his Royal Highness would be disposed to make peace upon any other than just and honourable terms; but it might be that those terms which would be deemed just and honourable for us, would be very "Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos." The Earl of Darnley expressed his sincere regret, that he could not consistently assent to the Address proposed. If, indeed, he could indulge the sanguine anticipations, which the youthful ardour of the noble lord who had just sat down had so fondly indulged, he might be induced to calculate upon the security and advantages of peace; but when he looked around at the many existing evils of war, when he saw a large British army in the Nether-differently esteemed by America. Whelands maintaining a hostile attitude, when he heard so much of dispute and discord among several of the continental powers, he could not, he confessed, flatter himself with the prospect which the noble lord professed to entertain. If, also, he looked to the other side of the Atlantic, and saw that through our warfare the two great discordant parties of America were decidedly united against us, especially in consequence of our mode of conducting that war, he could discover no foundation for the hopes which the noble lord expressed as to the result of our operations in that quarter. Many of those, indeed, who now heard him, were old enough to recollect, too well, the consequences of waging war against the population of America, to be very sanguine as to the event of the present contest! But there was a point of great importance not at all noticed in the Speech, or in the abservations of the noble lord's opposite, to which he felt it his duty ther it was meant to press for such terms as America should so esteem; whether the terms in contemplation referred only to our maritime rights, or whether it was proposed to insist upon any territorial cession by America, he could not pretend to divine; but if the latter, he trusted that the war would not be pursued in support of any such unwarrantable pretensions. As to the Congress, assembled at Vienna, he there, too, thought the last noble speaker too sanguine in his calculations: for he very much feared that the time for accomplishing the greatest good was gone by, after the treaty of Paris. After the stipulations of that treaty, who could calculate upon the abolition of the Slave Trade? The powers engaged in the Congress, who had no colonies, might express themselves very humanely upon this subject; but he very much feared that France, possessing colonies to which she deemed the continuance of the Slave Trade of vital importance, would not be induced to | abandon the engagements of the treaty of Paris. Therefore, his calculations upon the result of the Congress had no affinity to that of the noble lord. On these grounds he could not give his unqualified support to the Address; and although he did not mean to propose any amendment, he had felt it his duty to express his opinion upon the subject. Viscount Melville said, that he felt himself called upon to trouble their lordships with a few remarks, in consequence of what had fallen from the noble earl, relative to the naval administration of the war with the United States of America. He had not, however, a little to complain of the manner in which that noble earl had stated his charges, they being of that general character that he knew not what precise point it was that was aimed at by the noble earl, nor to what particular period or circumstances the noble earl alluded. If the noble earl meant to refer to the general conduct of the naval war with the United States of America, it was certainly true that America having no fleet, there could be no splendid victories obtained. If, however, the results of the contest in naval captures were looked to, the noble earl must surely be convinced that there was no ground whatever for censuring the Admiralty, or the conduct of the navy. When it was known, as was the fact, that upwards of 200 of the enemy's vessels of war and armed vessels, had, since the commencement of the war, been captured, it must at once be evident that our navy had not been inactive. The noble earl, he trusted, would bear this fact in his mind when he brought the subject under consideration. As to the statement of the noble lord, that wherever we had a naval contest with the Americans with an equal force, it had uniformly been to our disadvantage; he could assure the noble earl, that although accidents might sometimes happen, it was entirely a mistake; and he would ask the noble lord whether it was any proof of the inefficiency or inactivity of the British navy, that since the commencement of the war with Ainerica, it had captured 38 of the enemy's vessels of war, from the largest to the least size, and 199 private armed vessels of all descriptions. Did the noble earl mean to urge that the commercial marine of the enemy had not been sufficiently attended to? If so, he could tell him, that of the enemy's commercial vessels, it was as It certained that 900 had been captured since the commencement of the war, and brought into the ports of the United Kingdom. With respect to this number the accounts were certain, though some of them not official; but it was also known from other statements, which might be relied upon, that the whole number of commercial vessels captured from the enemy amounted to 1,900. It was also a fact, that 20,000 American seamen were now lodged in British prisons. He asked, then, whether the noble earl, with these facts before him, could justly charge the Admiralty with inactivity or inefficiency. Did the noble earl mean to charge the Admiralty with not sufficiently protecting the commerce of our merchants? He was aware that much had been said upon this subject; but he was also aware, that whatever might be said, the Admiralty were fully acquitted of all blame. must inevitably be the case when the whole force of an enemy was devoted to privateers, that our entire fleet, wherever stationed, could not prevent the capture of some of our merchant vessels. Their lordships were aware, that a situation of affairs similar to this occurred in the war at the accession of his present Majesty. He did not refer to this period with any view of arguing, that if there was misconduct on the part of the Admiralty then, it would justify misconduct on the part of the Admiralty now; all he meant to urge was, that similar causes would produce similar effects. The year 1759 their lordships need not be ashamed to compare with the most brilliant period of the late war, for successes of importance obtained over the enemy; the navy of France was annihilated, and their whole force devoted to privateering. The consequence was, that the next year a number of our commercial vessels were captured. This was a period, their lordships were well aware, that would bear no comparison with regard to extent of commerce with the present; and yet he had found upon inquiry, that the captures at the present were little more numerous than those at the former period. But let the whole number be inquired into, that were said to make up the loss from the peace of Paris down to the last month. No regular returns had, it was true, been yet received; but the number and nature of those losses might be pretty fairly ascertained from Lloyd's List, and other sources; they were said to amount to 172. Noble lords knew that the ships going to foreign parts alone, were liable to be forced to sail with convoy; the coasting trade had none. Yet of the ships which left the British ports, many were running ships, which went off without waiting for protection, and ran all hazards. Their loss had, of course, nothing to do with the care or negligence of the navy. Of the 172 missing, it was ascertained that no less than 94 were running ships: of the rest there sailed and separated, whether from stress of weather or wilfully, no less than 38; and it was known perfectly, that no convoy returned without perpetual complaints on the part of the officers, of ships breaking away from their protection. During this time, the whole number of the coasting vessels captured, whilst under the protection of the Admiralty, amounted to eleven. He felt as if he was detailing all this unasked: but till he heard some distinct question, he could not know what to answer. One observation, indeed, the noble earl made, which he could understand. It was actually asserted, that wherever our ships met with an equal force of the enemy, they were beaten, except in a few instances. He could assure the noble eari, that he was totally wrong in his statement. If any of the noble earl's allusions touched on the war in Canada, he believed that it was impossible, for the present, to give him the information which he might desire, and must be so till the regular details should arrive. At present, the only narrative was to be found in the authority of American newspapers. But when the noble lord brought forward his inquiry in a regular shape, he trusted to be able to satisfy him on the full question. As to Canada and the war on the Lakes, he would find that not only all demands and requisitions for that service had been complied with, but that they had been in almost every instance anticipated, nay, anticipated twofold. But in all observations on those distant operations, it was to be recollected, that our supplies were drawn from an immense distance, while those of the Americans were at their own doors. That war had grown into magnitude: to make the efforts of the country such as they ought to be, and such as they must be, great difficulties, great delays, great expenditures must be looked to. He was, however, ready, he was prepared to meet the noble lord (Darnley) on the plain merits of the question, and he had no doubt of satisfying the mind of the country. | Lord Grenville rose and said: My Lords, without entering into the details offered by the noble viscount, I can assure him, without any exaggeration, that a very strong and universal impression prevails, that there has been misconduct and neglect in the management of the naval war with America; but however indignant I have felt at seeing the glory of the British navy tarnished by the naval victories of the Americans--whatever regret I have felt at the impression produced in Europe by this disgrace of the hitherto-unconquered navy of Great Britain; or however I have been convinced that the impression thus produced is, in reality, most detrimental to our true interests, I can still assure the noble viscount that I will come to the inquiry;-which must of necessity take place, and that on an early day;-dispassionately, impartially, and without prejudice, to consider coolly and deliberately all the circumstances connected with these events. My lords; it has always been my wish, upon these occasions, to express, if I could, my concurrence in and approbation of the Address. Upon this occasion, however, I cannot approve of the Address; and there is one passage in it in particular in which I cannot concur. If any thing could have induced me to concur in it, it would have been the eloquent and feeling speech of my noble friend who seconded the Address, whom I congratulate upon the display he has this night made, and I also congratulate the House upon the promise therein given by one who bids fair to be one of its brightest ornaments. Notwithstanding, however, the eloquence of the noble lord, I cannot conscientiously concur in this Address. It might have been expected, after the termination of a war in which unexpected and providential events brought about results of the happiest tendency that could not previously have been calculated upon-it might have been expected, that when every one was naturally looking to the consolidation of that peace and the cessation of our gigantic efforts, the Speech from the throne would have made some allusion to the diminution of burthens and the cessation of efforts. Instead of this, we find a large expenditure mentioned, and new and increased efforts called for: not even an allusion is made to the diminution of those burthens which were laid on under a solemn pledge that they should continue no longer than until a certain period after the termination turbed possession of the Lakes. My lords, former governments never thought of any other preponderance on the American waters, than that acquired by our naval superiority; and I can tell the noble viscount, that however indignant every one must feel, that however painful it must be to every British bosom, to see English frigates strike their flags to American frigates; that although the merchants of Britain may complain, and justly complain, that the British islands are actually blockaded by American privateers; though they may transmit representations upon representations to the noble viscount, and though, these not being sufficiently attended to or satisfactorily answered, they may carry their complaints to the foot of the throne, still that all this is far inferior in importance to the disasters we have sustained on the American waters. It will be of no avail for the noble viscount to say, that he has not the details; the war was long anticipated, a long period has occurred since, and it was the imperative duty of the ministers to have secured, by every means, the British preponderance upon the Lakes, which is of the most essential importance. He ought, however, to be of the war. Is it not, then, imperative that some grounds should be laid before parliament to shew why these increased efforts are called for-why this additional expenditure is necessary? and this, of course, involving all the circumstances that relate to the conduct of the war with America. Unfortunately, too, we have nothing in the Speech from the throne to point out to us any hope of the termination of the war. The expression used indicating a readiness to make peace with the United States upon just and honourable terms, is an expression which certainly might as well have been spared. Of course, no ministry would consent to, nor would parliament or the country sanction, unjust or dishonourable terms; but the expression leads to no indication whatever as to the greater or less hope of an amicable adjustment. It might naturally have been concluded, that as by the termination of the war in Europe there was an end put, practically, to those questions which involved the cause of war with America, little remained to offer any impediment to negociation. To continue a war for the sake of an abstract theory, is idle and absurd; experience having shewn, that when a war commences, the theory, how-now informed for what the war is contiever previously settled, becomes of no avail against the practical questions that arise out of the then situation of affairs. My lords; it is said that America was the aggressor, and in this I sincerely concur. When, by the repeal of the unjust Orders in Council-and which I shall ever characterise as unjust-the causes of war were in fact removed, I entirely agree, that America, in then making war, became the aggressor; and that is my decided opinion. Her making the grounds of war also questions which struck directly at our maritime rights, rendered it, on our part, the war of the whole country in support of those rights; and I believe upon that point there was but one opinion in parliament and the country. Let it, however, be ever SO much a war of aggression, that is no reason why it should not be terminated amicably by negociation. The practical questions that were in dispute were done away by the termination of the war in Europe; and there seemed to remain little else than for each party to return to a state of peace and amity. If any new questions have arisen, we have upon this point no information. Report has alluded to a supposed demand on our part of a new frontier, to secure to us the undis nued; its legitimate object ought to be the attainment of peace. I trust the war is not continued for the gratification of resentment or revenge, or to shew, as has been said, what the power of this country can effect. The questions which were the original grounds of the war have passed away. If the war is continued for another object, information upon that point ought to be laid before parliament, in order that parliament may be enabled to judge of its expediency, or whether it is fitting that further efforts on the part of the people should be called for its prolongation. My lords; with respect to the military enterprise during the late campaign in America, it is my wish to do ample justice to the skill, the courage, and the valour of our commander, our officers, and our forces; all the military qualities attendant upon the gallant enterprize against the city of Washington excite my highest admiration, and lead me deeply to lament the subsequent fall of the gallant commander. Notwithstanding, however, all my admiration of the enterprize, there were some circumstances attending it, which, however painful the task, I feel it my conscientious duty to advert to. It |