Our Indian Problem.

The American Indian problem exhibits itself in so many phases, each one possessing somewhat distinct characteristics, yet all so intimately connected, that it is difficult to present them with distinctness within the necessarily circumscribed limits of a magazine article. For a thoroughly analytical review of the subject one should “begin with the beginning;" but as this is clearly impracticable, we are necessitated to take it up from the period when what is generally known as the "Quaker Policy" was indorsed by the administration. That policy is founded ostensibly on the principles of religion and philanthropy. It purports to supervise the management of Indian affairs after a manner that shall benefit the savage mentally, morally, and religiously; protect him from a repetition of the alleged abuses he has suffered from the White man, and at the same time prove economical to the government and acceptable to the nation, by preventing expensive wars and maintaining peace along the frontiers. That it has not only failed to an

swer those ends, but has proved a source of annoyance, expense, suffering, and discord, both to the White and Red races, has been established by the history of General Crook's campaign in Arizona, the Modoc War, the disturbances in Utah and Nevada, the restlessness of tribes in Oregon, the unpleasant occurrences near San Diego, the hostile attitude of Sioux, Cheyennes, and Arapahoes, and recent conflicts between Indian tribes and our soldiers. In addition, charges of gross fraud, mismanagement, cruelty, and oppression, have been fastened upon it by the Board of Commissioners appointed to inquire into the conduct of the Red Cloud, Spotted Tail, and Cheyenne agencies, by means of the revelations made by Professor Marsh and other well-known gentlemen of mark and national reputation. Cautious and dexterous as the gentlemen who composed that commission were in their employment of language for the double purpose of condemning the fraudulent agents and shielding the Indian Bureau, their report makes it painfully manifest that the peace or "Qua

ker" policy has in no wise accomplished the rose-tinted expectations based upon its execution, or fulfilled its boasted mission.

A moderate amount of intelligence would suffice to show that the Indian Department, like any other, should be administered by persons most conversant with its merits, and not of those whose education, training, and experience have been gained in totally different fields. Why this natural precaution should have been lost sight of and abandoned in this instance may properly be referred to political considerations.

The army is not a political machine, and could not be made available in a presidential campaign. The transfer of Indian affairs from the Department of War to church management was an easy and alluring method of procuring a large and effective body of political adherents bound together by ties of mutual interest. It was also one that would immediately find a convenient disciple in every self-styled Christian throughout the Eastern States, where an Indian is never seen, and of whose real condition the inhabitants are in blissful ignorance. People of other persuasions were estopped from expression of disapproval by its avowed philanthropic mission, unless they were ready to incur the imputation of being dead to that sentiment. It was a deftly conceived bit of political diplomacy, and, but for the blundering, coarse, and outrageous manner of execution, would have been a masterly success.

Aside from the consideration of these salient points in reference to our Indian problem, there are several others of equal importance that require dissection. Very recently much discussion, attended with no little heat, was had as to the propriety of permitting the Bible to be read in our public schools; and we propose to show a strong family likeness between that proposition and the peace policy of church recommendation and manage.

ment.

The spirit of propagandism which has always characterized the church militant, irrespective of creed or denomination, has also led it to meddlesome interference with state matters, and imbued it with an anxious desire to direct and control affairs not strictly within the sphere of clerical advisement. As it exhibited this tendency in relation to pub.

lic schools, and by insisting that the Ameriican Constitution should be amended so as to recognize the existence of the Deity, and, furthermore, that such recognition should at least be stamped upon the national coin, it has in like manner insinuated itself into the workings of the Indian Bureau, and has so far intrenched itself within that department of state that it now insists upon keeping actual possession by “divine right.” It is no secret that appointments to Indian agencies are entirely subject to the dictation of some religious denomination, whose craving for temporal power must be appeased, even by violating the constitution under which we live. All the Arizona agencies are bestowed upon the Dutch Reformed Church; those of Montana upon the Catholic Church; those of California upon the Methodist Church, and so on; each receiving a slice of the temporal loaf to insure its political aid, or at least to prevent its possible opposition. So far from finding any commendatory feature in this condition of things, we are prone to regard it with deep apprehension for the future, and unless the incisive knife be applied to it with an unfaltering hand, it will spread and taint other departments of the public service.

So firm is the grip which churchmen have already fastened upon the Indian Bureau, that when it was rumored that it probably would be transferred to the War Department, a band of excited clergymen waited on the President, and with anguished tones expressed their belief that such a change "would greatly disappoint Christian people all over the country, and be a blow to the cause of Christianity all over the world." The false reasoning and vaingloriousness of such an assertion is only paralleled by the covert insinuation it embodies against the Christian qualities and philanthropic attributes of our army officers. Those gentlemen appear to have thought that the transfer would imply want of faith in Christianity; that it would be deemed a directly hostile attack upon the church; whereas, its true and only signification would be want of faith in the competency of churchmen to manage affairs of which they must necessarily be quite ignorant, and for which they are wholly unfitted by training, want of experience, and uncongenial habits of life. How such a transfer can be

construed into an attack upon Christianity will puzzle anybody but the trembling pastors to determine. That it is needed and must eventually be done is now generally admitted by all intelligent minds that have given the subject proper consideration.

We now pass to the Indians themselves, as being the ones more directly interested. The policy adopted in their regard has been erroneous and mischievous from the commencement. Instead of treating them as citizens of the United States, and imbuing them with a sense of what would be required of them under that condition of existence, they have been treated as independent nationalities possessing sovereign rights, and have been recognized as the equals of powers occupying territory to which we had no legal or moral claim. These ideas have been instilled into them from the beginning, and can not be eradicated without extreme caution and judicious management, certainly not by such means as have been so notoriously put into execution by fraudulent and cozening agents of church appointment. The system of gov. ernment employed toward them should be made to tally with their own as nearly as circumstances will pesmit. The mind of an untutored, independent, and haughty savage can not easily comprehend the rapid mutations which occur in our political conditions. They fail to understand how it is that their agents are changed every four years—sometimes more frequently-leaving them subject to a similar change of treatment by people who are entire strangers to them, and almost always new to the business. By the time that an agent commences to learn their true character, and begins to get a clear insight into their natures, dispositions, habits, and wants, so that he can adapt himself to their requirements and intelligently perform the duties of his office, he is displaced to make room for another, who is then compelled to go over the same ground with the same unsatisfactory results. The supposition in this case is that the agent is an honest, capable, and sincere man, zealous to do right, and faithful in its performance. The task is evidently a delicate one, requiring much tact and nice discrimination, coupled with firmness, yet tinctured with patriarchal kindness. It is not wonderful that the Indi

an should be restless and suspicious whenever a change of agent occurs; it is not singular that he should be uneasy and imbued with that apprehension which possesses his White neighbors during an electioneering canvass; nor is it to be wondered at that such feelings are more intensified with him, as he knows nothing whatever about the causes, but finds himself subjected to influences beyond his reach.

The next phases for examination are, How can the Indian be best governed? and who are best fitted to perform the task? Manifestly there should be as few changes in the persons and performances of their agents as possible, and, likewise, that those only should be selected for this especial duty who are by education, training, experience, and admitted ability, most suitable to administer honestly, zealously, and intelligently. The military arm of the Government is the only one of which the Indian stands in awe and holds in respect. It is the one with which he is most familiar, and can comprehend without effort. It is the one whose pursuits are somewhat similar to his own, and which inspires his confidence. There are but few officers in the army who have not had much experience with Indians, certainly none that have been long in the service. The roll of retired officers-retired with honor and credit after distinguished careers of usefulness to the country-contains the names of many renowned for skill in warfare, prudence in action, zeal in the performance of duties, ability in council or the field, and the possession of those qualities which have made their records a series of triumphs. All those gentlemen are receiving pay in recognition of their worth. A large number of them are still serviceable, and anxious to be placed upon active duty. There are enough of them to fill all the Indian agencies without increasing the army list. Their re-employment in the field of Indian duties would not only be acceptable to them, but to the whole nation, outside of political place-hunting churchmen, because it would go a long way in the path of economy and purifying the political atmosphere. Army officers hold position for life or during good behavior-those on the retired list more especially—and in this particular also would be far more ac

ical that the humblest scrivener shares the decapitation of his official principal. Thus does a novice every few years assume control, with no assistance but that of a corps of underlings as ignorant and inexperienced as himself. In such hands the public interests can not prosper as they should. Indeed, when we consider that such frequent changes must bring into position, at least occasionally, men of weak mind or dishonest principles, we must recognize the injurious consequences of such a system.

If, on the other hand, such offices and subordinate positions were for life or during good behavior, the government could retain its efficient officers, and each year, with its experience, would increase their value to the people.

Another lamentable result is that the subordinate is made less the servant of the people than the adherent of him upon whose fa. vor depends official position. Employment depending not so much upon fidelity and capacity as upon the continuance of the goodwill of the superior, the latter must wield a larger influence than the good of the people would justify. For this reason an unscrupulous executive may surround himself with a host of political vassals of every degree, scattered throughout the length and breadth of the land, whose continuance and support are all the more effectual by reason of the authority with which they are invested. The greater number of such positions are held by men whose salaries are their sole dependence for support, and for this reason there is the greater pressure upon them to induce obedience to the superior whenever a conflict might arise between his interests and that of the people.

Not only are such men tempted to sins of omission in this respect by failing to check the superior when duty demands it, but their support is unfortunately frequently of a more active kind. Their selection is too often the result of their political influence, and it is always an implied, if not an expressed, condition of their appointment, that they shall uphold the political supremacy of party and the political fortunes of their chief. Hence the baneful activity of United States marshals, collectors, postmasters, and others; first, in behalf of the personal interests of a

president; secondly, in the interests of his party. Hence the nefarious interference of Federal officers in State politics. Hence the ready and corrupt support accorded to unscrupulous State executives by tax-collectors, judges, justices, police authorities, recorders, and the thousand-and-one underlings of every grade and every place.

On the other hand, were such positions independent of the executive will, the requisites of office being honesty and competency, and its tenure life or good behavior, each officer would strive to retain it by a faithful performance of its duties. As the years rolled on, the political and private interests of chief and subordinate would drift farther and farther apart, until finally they lost all identity. Then we would have in such positions servants of the people, and not adherents of particular men.

Another serious objection to the present system is that uncertainty of tenure is stimulative of official dishonesty. Let us take as an illustration a subordinate with modest salary and large facilities for peculation. He speedily realizes the fact that but a short time can elapse before another takes his place, and his family will lose the support his salary affords them. Is it not natural that the temptation should present itself to make the most of the position, regardless of the principles of honesty, so that on retiring he may take with him enough to keep his family in comfort when his salary is discontinued? Is not this prospective poverty the strongest incentive to the practice of dishonesty, in order to avert it? On the contrary, an appointee for life or good behavior feels no such uncertainty for the future. He knows that so long as he acts honestly and conscientiously, his family are above distress. Being certain that dishonest practices will endanger a life position, he is more apt to avoid all that may bring this misfortune upon him.

Moreover, the present system debauches politics, forces out of public life men of the best principles, and fills the high places with those of small calibre and of questionable integrity. It enables men of local influence to make that influence valuable to themselves. It introduces the contract into politics, exacting promises and guarantees, express or im.